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THE ANNUAL
OF THE

BRITISH SCHOOL AT ATHENS

No. XLVI

1951

7 l 4- 6 - g , t_

Papers presented
to

PROFESSOR ALAN WACE
to commemorate
fifty years of work

in archaeology

qi3 jgOuA

THE BRITISH SCHOOL AT ATHENS
50 BEDFORD SQUARE, LONDON, W.C.i

Published by the Managing Committee
PRICE: THREE GUINEAS NET

THE BRITISH SCHOOL AT ATHENS

PATRON

HIS MAJESTY THE KING

PRESIDENT

Professor Sir John L. Myres, O.B.E., D.Litt., D.Sc., F.B.A., F.S.A.

MANAGING COMMITTEE 1950-51

Bernard Ashmole, Eso., M.C., M.A., B.Litt., F.B.A., Chairman. Appointed by the
University of London.

T.J. Dunbabin, Esq.,D.S.O., M.A., F.S.A.

Professor R. J. H. Jenkins, M.A.

H.B.M. Ambassador in Athens, Vice-President.

Professor R. M. Dawkins, M.A., D.Litt., F.B.A., Vice-President.

Sir John Forsdyke, K.C.B., M.A., Vice-President.

Professor A. J. Toynbee, M.A., D.Litt., F.B.A., F.S.A., Vice-President
Professor A. J. B. Wage, M.A., F.B.A., F.S.A., Vice-President.

Professor Sir John D. Beazley, M.A., Litt.D., F.B.A. Appointed by the University of Oxford.
Professor D. S. Robertson, M.A., F.B.A. Appointed by the University of Cambridge.

The Rt. Hon. L. S. Amery, C.H., M.A., D.C.L. Appointed by All Souls College, Oxford.

Miss W. Lamb, M.A., Sc.D., F.S.A. Appointed by the Hellenic Society.

H. M. Fletcher, Esq., M.A., F.R.I.B.A. Appointed by the Royal Institute of British Architects
A. Andrewes, Esq., M.B.E., M.A.

R. D. Barnett, Esq., M.A., F.S.A.

J. K. Brock, Esq., M.A.

R. M. Cook, Esq., M.A.

R. J. Hopper, Esq., B.A., Ph.D., F.S.A., Joint Editor of the Annual.

Professor D. Talbot Rice, M.B.E., D.Litt., B.Sc., F.S.A.

Professor C. M. Robertson, M.A.

F. H. Stcbbings, Esq., M.A., Ph.D.

Professor H. T. Wadf.-Gery, M.C., M.A., F.B.A.

Mrs. E. K. Waterhouse, M.A.

Trustees

Miss Ed'ith Clay, 50 Bedford !
1 surer, V. W. Yorke, Esq., 9-13

luare, W.C.i.

ieorge Street, Manchester Square, W. 1

DIRECTOR

J. M. Cook, Esq., M.A., F.S.A.

Vt\r

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. D. S. Robertson. Epigram ......

2. Aly, Zaki. A Proftos of a Greek Inscription from Hermopolis Magna

3. Ashmole, B. The Poise of the Blacas Head (Plates 1-4) .....

4. Beazley, J. D. A Hoplitodromos Cup (Plates 5-7) . . . . . .

5. Blegen, C. W. Preclassical Greece—A Survey ......

6. Boethius, A. The Reception Halls of the Roman Emperors ....

7. Buschor, E. Spendckanne aus Samos (Plates 8-9) ......

8. Chapouthier, F. Dc l’Origine du Prisme Triangulaire dans la Glyptique Minoenne

9. Cook, J. A Geometric Amphora and Gold Band [Plate 10) ....

10. Cook, R. M. A Note on the Origin of the Triglyph .....

11. Dawkins, R. M. Recently Published Collections of Modern Folktales

12. Dunbabin, T. J. The Oracle of Hera Akraia at Perachora .

13. Jenkins, R. J. H. Further Evidence regarding the Bronze Athena at Byzantium

{Plate 11) ............

14. Lamb, W. Face-Urns and Kindred Types in Anatolia {Plate 12)

15. Lawrence, A. W. The Ancestry of the Minoan Palace.

16. Lorimer, H. L. Stars and Constellations in Homer and Hesiod

17. Marinatos, Sp. ‘ Numerous Years of Joyful Life * from Mycenae

18. Meritt, B. D. and Andrewes, A. Athens and Neapolis ( Plate 23) .

19. Minns, E. H. Big Greek Minuscule, Pembroke College, Cambridge, MS. 310

(Plates 24-25) ............

20. Myres, J. L. The Tomb of Porscna at Clusium ......

21. Nilsson, M. P. The Sickle of Kronos ........

22. Persson, A. W. Garters—Quiver Ornaments? {Plate 13) ....

23. Picard, Ch. Lcs * Agoras dc Dieux ’ en Grece ......

24. Richter, G. M. A. Accidental and Intentional Red Glaze on Athenian Vases

{PlaUs 14-17)., .

25. Robertson, M. The Place of Vase-Painting in Greek Art ....

26. Schweitzer, B. Mcgaron und Hofhaus in der Agais des 3-2. Jahrtauscnds

v. Chr..

27. Stubbings, F. H. Some Mycenaean Artists [PlaUs 18-19) ....

28. Talbot Rice, D. Post-Byzantine Figured Silks [PlaUs 20-22) ....

29. Tod, M. N. Laudatory Epithets in Greek Epitaphs .....

30. Woodward, A. M. Some Notes on the Spartan <paipe.

31 . Helen Waterhouse. Bibliography 1903-1950

PAOZ

219

2
7

102

200

210

u 7

122

>25

132

143

, 5 I

160

168

182

> 9 '

232

FIGURES IN THE TEXT

PACE

A Hoplitodromos Cup.

Fig. i. Cup in Oxford. 7

Fig. 2. From a Cup in Boston . . . . . • • .12

Spendekanne Aus Samos.

Fig. no number. Salbgefass, B.M. 94.7-18.3. 39

De I’Origine Du Prisme Triangulaire Dans La Glyptique Minoenne.

Fig. 1. Cachet Anatolien. 43

Fig. 2. Cachet Minoen k trois faces (Mallia).43

Fig. 3. Cachet Minoen k trois faces (Platanos) ...... 43

A Geometric Amphora and Gold Band.

Fig. no number. Amphora in Stathatou Collection, Athens .... 45

The Oracle of Hera Akraia at Perachora.

Fig. 1. Perachora, Heraion (plan). 61

Fig. 2. Phialai as found in the mud at the bottom of the pool at Perachora . . 64

Further Evidence Regarding the Bronze Athena at Byzantium.

Fig- no number. Detail from a Xth century Byzantine MS. .... 73

Face-Urns and Kindred Types in Anatolia.

Fig. 1. Anatolia (map). -75

Fig. 2. Sherds with eyes from Troy and Thermi. 76

Fig. 3. Face-Vases.78

Fig. 4. (a) Vase from Troy. ( 4 ) (t) Lid and Vase from Thermi ... 80

Stars and Constellations in Homer and Hesiod.

Fig. 1. The Night Sky in July.86

Fig. 2. The Night Sky in December.87

Fig. 3. Plough in use in the Dordogne.-95

Fig. 4. The Farmer’s Year.95

FIGURES IN THE TEXT

IAC*

‘Numerous Years of Joyful Life ’ from Mycenae.

Fig. i. Gold and Silver Pin, Mycenae . . . . . . .103

Fig. 2. Pectoral of Senuscrt II, Lahun ....... 105

Fig. 3. Egyptian and Minoan Floral Patterns with Symbolic Meaning . . 107

Fig. 4. Egyptian Gods with Symbols . . . . . . . .108

Fig. 5. Frescoes from Amnissos, Crete ........ 109

Fig. 6. Gold Ring from Midea and Gem from Psychro . . . . 113

Fig. 7. Gold Pendant from Acgina . . . . . . . 115

The Tomb of Porsena at Clusium.

Fig. no number. The Tomb of Porsena at Clusium ..... 120

The Sickle of Kronos.

Fig. no number. Iolaus with the toothed Sickle . . . . . .123

Garters—Quiver Ornaments?

Fig. 1. Stele showing Amenhotep III in his Chariot with the Quiver attached to

the Body of the Chariot . . . . . . . .128

Fig. 2. Detail from Fig. 1 showing the Quiver . . . . . .129

Megaron und Hofhaus in der Agais des 3-2. Jahrtausends v. Chr.

Fig. 1. Troia II, Megara . . . . . . . . . .160

Fig. 2. (a) Die Burg von Dimini. ( b ) Die Palastmitte von Tiryns . . 162

Some Mycenaean Artists.

Fig. 1. Krater from Aradippo . . . . . . . . .172

Fig. 2. Design on a Krater from Enkomi . . . . . . 174

Fig. 3. Part of Design on a Krater from Enkomi . . . . . . 175

Fig. 4. Design on a Jar from Hala Sultan Tekkc . . . . . .176

Some Notes on the Spartan Impels.

Fig. no number. Fragment of Sphaircis-Inscription . . . . .191

Athens and Neapolis.

Fig. no number. Small fragment (EM 6589) of IG I s , 108 . . . . 200

A Propos of a Greek Inscription from Hermopolis Magna.

Fig. no number. Museum of the Faculty of Arts, Farouk I University, Alexandria

Inv. No. 1304 .......... 221

LIST OF PLATES

The Poise of the Blacas Head.

1. The Blacas Head, (a), (b), (c) from a cast.

2. The Blacas Head, (a) ‘ Face-Piece back view. ( b) 1 Ncck-Picce top view.

3. The Blacas Head, (a) Old Poise. ( b ) New Poise.

4. (a) The Blacas Head, New Poise.

(b) The Blacas Head, New Poise (from a cast).

A HOPLITODROMOS CUP.

5. (a), ( b ) Cup in Oxford.

6. (a), (b) Skyphos in the collection of Mr. W. R. Hearst, San Simeon.

(c), (d) Skyphos in the collection of Lord Nathan of Churt.

7. (a) Cup in Oxford.

(b) Stemless Cup in Leyden.

Spendekanne Aus Samos.

8. Spendekanne aus Samos.

9. (a) Tonfigur Samos T493.

(b) Tonfigur Samos T780.

( d) Salbgef&ss Erlangen.

(s) Tonfigur Samos T862.

(J) Salbgefoss Erlangen.

A Geometric Amphora and Gold Band.

10. Gold Band in Stathatou Collection, Athens.

Further Evidence Regarding the Bronze Athena at Byzantium.

11. The Power of Eros: Miniature from a X century Bvzantinc MS.

Face-Urns and Kindred Types in Anatolia.

12. Anthropomorphic Jar from Bolu, at Ankara.

Garters—Quiver Ornaments?

13. (a) ‘ Gamaschcnhalter ’ from Shaft Grave IV at Mycenae.

(b) Egyptian Quivers from the Maherperis Tomb.

LIST OF PLATES

vii

Accidental and Intentional Red Glaze on Athenian 'Vases.

14. (a), ( b) Covered Bowl in the Metropolitan Museum.

15. (a), ( b ) Bowls, and ( d) Fragment of a Kylix, in the Agora Museum, with intentional

red glaze.

16. (a) Black-figured Kylix in the Odessa Museum.

(6) Red-figured Kylix in the Louvre.

17. Black-figured Kylix in Munich with intentional red glaze.

Some Mycenaean Artists.

18. Some Mycenaean Artists, (a) From Klavdia (B.M.C402). ( 6 ) From Klavdia

(B.M.C623). ( c ) From Enkomi (B.M.C577). ( d ) From Klavdia (B.M.C514).
(e) From Klavdia (B.M.C421). (f) B.M.C389.

19. Some Mycenaean Artists. (a) B.M.C418. (£) B.M.C419. ( c ) B.M.C4Q0.

(d) B.M.C583. (e) B.M.C409. All from Enkomi. (/) Cyprus Museum
A1546. From Salamis.

Post-Byzantine Fioured Silks.

20. Byzantine Figured Silk, XVII century (in San Giorgio dei Greci, Venice).

21. Byzantine Figured Silks, (a) XVI century (in private possession). ( b) XVI

century (Victoria and Albert Museum No. 885-1899). (r) XVI or XVII
century (in private possession).

22. Byzantine Figured Silk, XVI century (in private possession).

Athens and Neapolis.

23. The larger fragments (EM 6598) of IG I*, 108.

Big Greek Minuscule, Pembroke College, Cambridge, MS. 310.

24. Pembroke College, Cambridge, MS. 310. Full page (5/7).

25. Pembroke College, Cambridge, MS. 310. Columns, initial and margins (1/1).

TTOiKi'Xa aol 9Epopev 6 cop 7 t |ncrra TccOra PaGetys
ofis ecjupa^ouTES ttoikiXIt^v a09i'ris-
CXJOCS yap kv Gviyroiaiv u9&opaTa Aapupa 7^9:1 vev
aol 9lXa, Kai x«XkoO ko! XtGou epya voets*
t(s S£ aoi dyvcooros tottos 'EAAccSos ; o!6e oe Kpr|-rr|s
fiare' fpEuvryn'iv, o!S£ oe ©EaaaXiris
i'rrrropdTou, SirapTr) te, TroX^xpucoi te MaKf)vat.

ttcos S’ dTrapiGpfiaat aas apETcts Suvotov ;

•nctuTEs aou 9iXoi 6 vtes 6hcos ttovtes Se paGTiTai
eO TtpdtaaEiu oe Geovs, & 91X6, AiaaopEea.

D. S. R.

THE POISE OF THE BLACAS HEAD

(plates 1-4)

•The colossal marble head from Melos, 1 known as the Blacas head from
the collector who later purchased it, was found in a shrine of Asklcpios, and is
large enough to have belonged to the cult-image (plate i a). Its date cannot
be before about 330 b.c. and may well be rather later. 2 This paper, how¬
ever, deals neither with the subject nor with the date, but with certain
technical details which explain the way in which the head was made, and
establish its poise upon the body.

The head was found in 1828: a few' months later it was seen at the house
of the French vice-consul in Melos by Charles Lcnormant. 3 Lenormant
speaks of it as being made of three pieces of marble, held together in antiquity
by iron dowels; but he could easily have misread his notes, and I doubt
whether he ever saw the third piece which is now missing from the back of the
head—though of course it may have been lost since his time; whether he
saw it or not, it was certainly not fastened by an iron dowel, for there is no
place where a dowel could have entered either of the other two pieces
(plate ib).

It is natural to speak of the head having consisted of three pieces: but
this is not an accurate description. The missing block at the back forming
the back of the cranium (‘ back-piece ’) (plate ib), and the larger block in
front comprising the top of the head, the front hair, the face, and the beard
(‘face-piece’) (plates i, 2 a, 3 ) arc, it is true, parts of the head; but the
lower block (‘neck-piece’) (plates i b, 2 b, c , 3 a, b) is broken off below, and
belonged as much to the body as to the head. 4 The point is important, for
the neck-piece was probably far the largest of the three, and may have
originally included at least the upper half of the body. 5 The body, owing
to its weight and size, is likely to have been carved with the same poise as it
was to have when set up in the shrine, 6 and then to have had the other pieces
attached to it. I hope to show that there is only one poise for the neck-piece

1 In the British Museum (Smith, BMC Sculpt.
no. 55 o)- P*nan marble. Head and neck, total
fright, 52*5 cm. Neck-piece, total height, 32'5 cm.;
of front surface only (plate :c), 28-5 cm. Later
references: JHS XLII 31 ff. (Six); Ojh XXIII r ff.

(Schober).

* The arrangement of the hair is obviously related
to that of Alexander the Great, which inspired a fashion
in sculpture; and this provides a terminus host quern.

1 All I (.820) 341.

4 Actually there were four pieces, the fourth being
a tiny addition to the hair, perhaps made necessary by

an accidental break, over the right car (plate 3^).
It is not clear how this was fastened; it may have been
of stucco. Schober, in Ojh XXIII 12, n. 16, argues for
marble.

* Newton, in his small Guide to the Blacas Collection
(1867), says: 1 It is said that part of the torso was
found with the head, but that, being in a very muti¬
lated condition, it was not thought worth removing
from Melos.’ I cannot trace the evidence for this
statement.

* This is my major premise, and if it is unsound the
whole argument collapses.

THE POISE OF THE BLACAS HEAD

which would permit their attachment satisfactorily. From the poise of the
neck-piece the poise of the head follows automatically, though we cannot
ascertain the exact angle from which the spectator saw it, because we do not
possess the whole of the body, and do not know how it faced.

The component parts of the statue were carved to a stage fairly near
completion before their final assembly: this is shown by the shape of the
picked surfaces, which formed a key for the stucco that cemented the pieces
together; in each remaining piece the bounding-line of these surfaces follows
the section of the finished shape, but with a margin of some four to six centi¬
metres where the joint was to be contiguous, without stucco (plate 2). 7
Now the face-piece (plate 2 a) is in effect a great hook of marble which,
once lowered into position, will stay there by its own weight: it does not need,
as seems to have been assumed by those who mounted the head after its
finding, to lie on a surface inclined backwards, but will hang with its back
vertical. 8 Despite this, the sculptor made it more secure by two means, first,
the stucco between the picked surfaces already mentioned; second, a dowel
(now missing, but originally of iron, as Lenormant tells us) running from a
hole in the back of the face-piece to another hole in the front of the neck¬
piece (plate 2(2, c). 9 It was easy for the ancient craftsman to fasten one end
of this dowel with lead into the hole in the face-piece, but how fasten the
other end into the neck-piece when the face-piece was in position? The
answer is given by a groove in the upper surface of the neck-piece, at right
angles to its front edge: this groove continues down the front surface of the
neck-piece as far as the dowel-hole, and was certainly the channel for molten
lead (plate 2 b } c). Now the lead would not flow in this channel unless it
was .level or sloping downwards: 10 therefore the upper surface of the ncck-

7 There is a slight step (no more than three milli¬
metres high at its maximum) on the top of the neck¬
piece, where the projection of the face-piece rests upon
it (plate 26)—-I imagine that this was not part of the
original intention, but that when the face-piece was
found, at a certain stage, to fit snugly, it was not
thought worth while to remove the step.

The pick-marks on this step run obliquely across it
and were cut from the front, to avoid flushing the edge:
the pour-channel for the lead cuts through them. The
pick-marks on the rest of the upper surface of the
neck-piece run straight from back to front. This looks
as if the pick-marks on the step were made first, then—
perhaps when the face-piece was already in position—
the pick-marks at the back, but it is not easy to decide
whether they were made before or after the pour-
channel : on the back of the upper part of ihcface-piect
(plates ib, 3a), the different character of the picking
nearer the edge seems to show that the picked surface
was enlarged at the last moment in order to provide a
larger area for adhesion. See also note 15.

* This statement needs some amplification. On the
right-angled edge of a ttooden box, on which I first
tested it, the face-piece will hang unsupported with its

back face vertical, since the weight of the marble grips
the wood; but when set on the marble neck-piece, there
is a tendency to slip forward, because the surfaces of
the marble are so smooth. The pull is very slight, and
the stucco would have been enough to counteract it:
there can have been very little tension on the dowel.

* The smaller hole below the main hole in the neck¬
piece (plate 2c) seems to be modern, for it connects
with the large vertical hole in the neck made for the
modem mounting. This suggestion is confirmed by
Mr. V. A. Fisher, whom I thank for checking, from
his long experience, several technical points.

10 If applied through a funnel the weight of the
molten metal above might serve to force the flow up a
very slight slope towards the front edge of the top of
the neck-piece, until it reached this edge and flowed
down the channel in the face towards the dowel-hole:
but anything more than a slight slope would stop it.
It was not essential, though it may have been con¬
venient, to fasten one end of the dowel first; but when
the neck-piece and face-piece were together, lead
poured into the channel would have flowed equally
well into both dowel-holes.

4 BERNARD ASHMOLE

piece was either level from back to front or sloping downwards to the front;
but since a downward slope would tilt the front surface of the neck-piece
forward out of the vertical and cause the face-piece to swing away from it,
we can assume that the front surface of the neck-piece was vertical when the
lead was poured. In this way the forward inclination of the head is
established.

We now turn to the missing back of the head, or rather to the place where
it once lay (plate i b). As remarked above, the missing piece was not held
by any dowel whatever, but stuccoed on to the neck-piece and the face-piece,
the appropriate surfaces of these being pitted as a key, again with a margin
worked smooth to provide a close-fitting joint (plate 2 a, b ): this is a method
safe enough when the piece to be fastened lies on a level bed and thus has no
tendency to slide one way or another; but, unless the bed was level, it is
inconceivable that, on an island subject to earthquakes, the sculptor should
have trusted to stucco alone.

Our adjustment of the forward inclination of the head has already given
us a bed level from front to back, but in the modem setting (plate lb) it is
violently tilted down to one side, its right. I suggest that it is necessary to
bring this side up, making the bed level every way, and that when this is done
we have attained the original setting (plate 3$). If we now move round to
the front of the head, we see a remarkable change. Instead of gazing into
the distance, oblivious of mankind, 11 the god bends forward and looks into
the eyes of his worshippers: the effect must have been impressive, even
startling (plate 4 a, b). The photograph plate 4 b gives the view which a
spectator five feet six inches tall would have, if the statue with its plinth were
twelve feet high, and he were looking at it from twelve feet away.

It is not difficult to guess why the head was made separately from the body:
flawless blocks of the finest marble arc not commonly of large size, and the
risk of a flaw appearing in the head as work progresses is much diminished if
this is carved from a smaller block. The normal method is to carve head
and neck in one piece and set it into a hollow in the body, 12 and it is natural
to wonder why an abnormal method was adopted in the Melian statue. The
answer is surely that the exceptionally strong inclination of the head on the
body demanded an exceptional method, and one by which there would not

n plate ia shows the head in the old poise, the
weakness of which is not apparent because tne photo¬
graph is taken from a high view-point. How
meaningless the head when poised thus is apt to look
from below—and this was tne ancient view-point—is
well seen in Rayet (Monuments pi. 43).

" As in statues from the Mausoleum, c.g. BMC
Sculpt. 1000, 1052, etc. The colossal torso, perhaps of
the second century b.c., from Elaea, the port of
Pergamon (BMC Sculpt, no. 1522) had the upper

three-quarters of the head, with the whole of the beard,
made separately, the join being a horizontal one at a
level just below the ears. The method of fixing is
somewhat different from that in the Blacas head: it
consists in essentials of a heavy dowel in the upper
surface of the neck, and a smaller dowel in the front
surface, which also has a step in it. The purpose must
have been the same, namely, to make the join where it
would show least.

THE POISE OF THE BLACAS HEAD

be continuous tension on the dowel holding the two together; a subsidiary
reason may have been that if, as is almost certain, the upper part of the body
was undraped or partly draped, a joint in the surface of the naked flesh was
considered undesirable. 13

Since the publication of Wolters’ article in 1892 14 it has generally been
agreed that the body of which the Melian head once formed part resembled
the five statuettes from Epidaurus cited by him, which are presumably all
copied from one great statue. The heads of these—those of them which have
survived—are not unlike the Melian, so far as their small scale allows one to
judge; but although they are inclined, usually to their left, they are not
appreciably bent forward. Now Schober 15 has shown that, of the sculptures
grouped by Wolters round the Epidaurian statuettes, not all are of the same
type, and has stressed the point that with the rapid spread of the cult of
Asklepios and the consequent demand for cult-images, a number of variants,
all inspired by a single famous original, are likely to have been produced.
Certainly, if the new position of the Melian head be accepted, we must seek a
type other than the Epidaurian statuettes for the statue to which it belonged.
We do not even know whether the statue—which may well have been one of
these variants—was standing or seated, but, if standing, then some such type
as British Museum 1694 would be suitable (plate 4 ^), 16 and this statuette

,s The general procedure may be summarised
thus:— . ,

The blocks were carved separately to a fairly
advanced stage: the face-piece was set on to the neck¬
piece with a cement of stucco, and the lead was then
poured to fasten the dowel between the two (plate
2 a, c ): the back-piece was then stuccoed on. Perhaps
at tnis stage the carving was finished off, but it is
possible that the pieces were assembled temporarily
while the carving was being finished, and not per¬
manently fixed until after its completion: otherwise
there would have been a risk of the stucco parting
under the blows of the chisel. On the other hand, the
section of the back of the face-piece fringed with hair
and beard is a little too large at various places to fit the
corresponding part of the neck-piece, sometimes by
as much as three or four millimetres (plate b ■
This may indicate that the blocks were already
cemented together and that the sculptor was unwilling
to risk cracking the cement by vigorous carving to
smooth the transition: or he may have been too
negligent. It could anyhow have been finished easily
with stucco, which would be completely masked when
the head was coloured. We cannot, however, ignore
the possibility that the head was carved in some distant
studio, and was found not to fit properly when it
arrived, but that no one on the spot would take the
responsibility of trimming it.

Finally, when the pieces were all assembled and
fixed, the holes for the wreath were drilled: this is
proved by some of these drill-holes in the face-piece
and back-piece having pierced through into the top
of the neck-piece (plates i b, 2 b). There were
originally about 150, set in three rows quincunx-

fashion, of which 108—with some doubtful traces—
remain wholly or in part (plates i b, c.ab, 3); into
each of them the bronze stem of a leaf (presumably
also of bronze, gilded) was secured by a pouring of
lead: some of the stems still project, and the ends of
most of them doubtless remain embedded in the lead.
This seems a laborious process, but it enabled the
artist to set each leaf exactly in the position and at the
angle he wished, instead of having to adj ust a complete
wreath made separately and then placed on the head:
the method seems a sculptors rather than a
metal-worker's. . . . .

One more word on technique. The design ol tnc
hair on the top of the head is indicated sketchily; the
whole surface here was first punched out, then claw-
chiselled—traces of these processes remain, especially
in the centre—and finally the ridges and hollows of the
hair radiating from the crown were carved lightly with
the bull-nosed chisel (plate ic). Possibly this treat¬
ment indicates that the head was n replica rather than
the prototype, which presumably was finished in

C ter detail: but there is no reason to doubt its
:h-ccntury date. This lends some support to
Wace’s argument {Approach, 45 ff.) that a single model
might serve as a prototype for more than one replica.
On this point see also Schober in Ojh XXIII n »•>
who further suggests that the Blacas head may be
copied from a bronze.

11 AM XVII (1892) 1 ff.

»» Ojh XXIII it f. . „

i* Smith BMC Sculpt. Ill 74 : from thc Strangford
Collection, therefore probably from Greece. Height
{without plinth) 62 cm.

BERNARD ASHMOLE

is in fact a copy (probably of the second century a.d.) of a later development
of the Epidaurian type which had more movement and more feeling for the
third dimension—modifications which suit a date towards the end of the
fourth century.

This is merely a suggestion of what to look for: whatever the type chosen,
it should bear a head poised in the way we have now set the Blacas head.

Bernard Ashmole

A HOPLITODROMOS CUP

(plates 5-7)

Fig. i.—Cup in Oxford.

The Attic red-figured cup reproduced in plates 5, 7 a and fig. i was
formerly in the Wyndham Cook collection at Richmond and was acquired
by the Ashmolean Museum in 1947. My thanks are due to the Keeper of the
Antiquarium, Mr. D. B. Harden, for permission to publish it. The photo¬
graphs are by Mr. H. N. Newton. The inside picture has been figured already,
in the Burlington Catalogue for 1903, pi. 92, G 17, and in the Ashmolean Report
for 1947, pi. 3, a. The outside is unpublished, but was briefly described by
Norman Gardiner in JHS XXIII 288-9. The date is about 480 b.c., the
artist the Triptolemos Painter (VA 99 no. 18; AttV 154 no. 19; ARV 242
no. 35). Diameter 0-237, height 0-095. Some of the cups decorated by
the Triptolemos Painter, as Bloesch has shown, were fashioned by Euphronios
(FAS 73-8), and the shape of the Oxford cup is at least not far from the work
of that potter.

Inside, a bearded trainer stands holding a wand. Part of the left shoulder
is missing, and the cup is repainted in that place; the left elbow is sound.

In addition to the usual BSA abbreviations the Hartwig = Die griechischen Meislerschalen.
following are used in this article: * Norman Gardiner, Athl.= Athletics of the Ancient

World.

Bloesch FAS** Forerun attischer Schalen. Norman Gardiner, CAS = Greek Athletic Sboric.

Coll. B el C. = Collection du Dr. B et de M. C. RG — Beazlcy and Magi, La Raccolla Gu£lielmi.

J. D. BEAZLEY

The fluted pillar on the right indicates the palaestra; on the left is a seat,
with cover. There are a few letters in the field but they do not make sense.
The ‘ odd man ’ of the maeander border lies ‘ south *: the painter began the
border at that point. Outside, hoplitodromoi: on each half a composition of
three figures, a young trainer, wand in hand, between two athletes. On the
right of one half there is a pillar like that inside the cup; a small piece of it is
restored. On the right of the other half, a pick; part of the upper prong is
missing, but the point remains, as well as the lower prong. There are a few
letters in the field on both halves of the exterior, but they are not much more
than dots and make no sense. Three of the four athletes are in almost the

same attitude, moving quickly forward with the upper part of the body
leaning back, the shield on the left arm, the helmet in the right hand. This
is not, I think, any movement in the race, or even in practice for the race:
the youths have stripped, fetched down their gear and hastened to the track.
This sort of attitude, with the legs moving quickly forward and the upper
part of the body thrown right back, is a favourite in the late archaic period,
not only in athletic pictures, but in others as well: it sometimes, though not
always, 1 represents arrival—running up, then checking the run. Norman
Gardiner, indeed, whose opinion on all such questions deserves deep respect,
thought that the youth beside the pillar had probably just finished the actual
race, and that the other two were either practising—bare-headed for comfort
—or, like the first, finishing, ‘ the artist having taken a typical position in the
race which pleased him and repeated it for the sake of symmetry ’. ‘ Such
symmetrical arrangements ’, he well says, ‘ are very common in athletic vases,
and this vase is essentially symmetrical. We must not forget that the vase-
painter’s object is not to illustrate a treatise on Greek sports but to produce a
pleasing picture, and that considerations of space and composition are more
important for him than the literal representation of actual arrangements.’
Norman Gardiner compares similar figures of hoplitodromoi on other vases, and
supposes that it was customary for the armed runner, as soon as he had
finished, to take off his helmet. All these figures, however, can be explained,
like ours, as arriving at the track. 2 The alternative explanation of the two
figures on the second half of the vase, that they are practising bare-headed for
comfort, can hardly be correct: the attitude is not suitable, and while the
hoplitodromos might reasonably vary his practising by running without helmet,
or without shield, or without both, to practise with the helmet in the hand

down his shield in disgust ’ [JHS XXIII, 287), but
two separate figures of hoplitodromoi, not spatially
connected with each other: one arriving at the track,
the other practising without his shield, which he has
laid down.

A HOPLITODROMOS CUP

would not be useful, as the balance—an important matter—would be different
from that required in the race itself.

The fourth athlete, as Norman Gardiner saw, is practising starts. His
shield lies on the ground beside him, with the helmet on top of it; he stands
stooping, with the feet not far apart; the right leg bent, the arms extended,
sunk somewhat with the hands open, palms downward. Parts of the upper
arms and of the right thigh are missing; so are small pieces of the hair, and
the nape is restored: but the attitude is clear. There are many figures, on
vases and elsewhere, of runners at the start, or practising the start, and the
great majority of them are of the same type as in our vase. It is the attitude
of the left-hand figure in the athletic scene on the Dog-and-cat base in Athens,
and we shall call it Type a. The chief variation is that sometimes both knees
are bent (not one only, as here), and sometimes one knee is more bent than
the other. Here is a list of such figures:

1. Athens, marble base. JHS XLII pi. 6; Alexander Gk. AthL. 20,
below; Norman Gardiner AthL . fig. 53.

2. Olympia, bronze statuette. Jdl LI I Bericht . . . Olympia I pll.
23-4; Die Antike XV, 48; Kunze New Meisterwerke griechischer Kunst aus
Olympia figs. 55-7. The date given by Hampe and Jantzen, 480-470 b.c.,
seems somewhat late; ‘ first decade of the fifth century ’ according to
Kunze. Or the end of the sixth?

3. Heidelberg 15, fragment of a r.f. cup. AM LV pi. 11; Kraiker
.pi. 2. By Pheidippos {ARV 55 no. 9).

4. London E 6, r.f. cup. C. Smith Cat. pi. 1, whence JHS XXIII,
273, Hoppin ii, 351, and Norman Gardiner Athl. 59; AM LV pi. 1 o. By
Pheidippos (ARV 55 no. 10). Norman Gardiner denies that the youth is
starting, and gives another explanation; but the figure cannot be
separated from that on the marble base and the others that go with it.

5. Lost, r.f. cup. Hartwig 45, whence Norman Gardiner GAS 276.
Might be an early work of the Epidromos Painter (ARV 922).

6. Wurzburg 328, b.f. stamnos. Langlotz pi. 100. Perizoma Group

(RG 5 4 ).

7. Milan, Scala, r.f. hydria. Coll. B. et C. pi. 21, 155; Cat. Jules
Sambon pi. 1,10. Group of Florence 3984 (ARV 174 no. 2).

8. Ferrara, T. 475, r.f. column-krater. Aurigemma 1 59 above = 2
61, above. By the Harrow Painter (ARV 1 79 no. 39).

9. Vienna 2151, r.f. cup. The right-hand figure on B. Manner of
the Antiphon Painter (ARV 236 no. 51).

10. Leipsic T507, r.f. stemless cup, about 425 b.c. Jdl X, 188. The

J. D. BEAZLEY

youth is a torch-racer, and the left arm holds out the torch; otherwise
the attitude is the same as before.

The youth on a rough red-figured cup in Munich (2623: Jdl X 186 no. 5),
in the manner of the Epeleios Painter (ARV 111 no. 37), might also be a
runner at the start, but the legs are farther apart, and so are the arms.
Hampe and Jantzen think that a fragmentary bronze statuette in Athens,
from the Acropolis (6614, de Ridder Bronzes de VAcr. 276 no. 750), is a runner
at the start (AA 1937 Bericht . . . Olympia 79). But this seems unlikely—
unless the arm is twisted out of position.

All these were ordinary runners, not runners in the armed race. The same
attitude appears in two figures of hoplitodromoi, not starting, but practising
the start: they are naked, but shown to be hoplitodromoi by the armour lying
on the ground beside them. One of the two is our figure; the other is on a
cup of the same period, by Onesimos or very near him, formerly with Joseph
Brummer in New York and now in the collection of Prof. F. M. Watkins at
Montreal. Here both knees are bent; on the ground, helmet as well as
shield. This is inside the cup; outside, hoplitodromoi in other attitudes.

These two figures lead on to representations of armed hoplitodromoi at the
start: these extend the right arm only, the left being occupied by the shield :

1. Tubingen, bronze statuette. Best reproduced, for our purpose, in
Jdl I pi. 9; often since, for example in Norman Gardiner GAS 94 and Athl.
fig. 24, and, from a cast, Alexander Gk. Athl. 9, below. Shield and crest
missing.

2. Electrum stater of Cyzicus. Jdl II, 101. Late fifth century.

3. Freiburg, fragment of a r.f. cup (eye-cup). ARV 93, wj. The left
leg is much bent, and the sole touches the ground with the forepart only.

4. Wurzburg 469, r.f. cup. Langlotz pi. 138. By the Bowdoin-Eye
Painter (ARV 95 no. 6). The figure is very upright, but this is probably
the subject.

5. Copenhagen, Thorvaldsen Museum, 92. By the Bowdoin-Eye
Painter (ARV 95 no. 3). The figure on B resembles the last.

6. London B 628, b.f. oinochoc with white ground. AM V pi. 13,
whence Jdl 11 100, below. Statue of a hoplitodromos, and a man standing
m front of it. By the Athena Painter (Haspels ABL 260 no. 135). Very
upright.

7 - Cab. Med. 523, r.f. cup. Hartwig pi. 16, whence (B) JHS XXIII,
278 fig. 7; phots. Giraudon. Proto-Panaitian Group (ARV 211 no. 4).
See below, p. 11.

8. Berlin 2307, r.f. cup. Gerhard AV pi. 261, whence Jdl II, 105,

A HOPLITODROMOS GUP

JHS XXIII, 277, Norman Gardiner GAS 288 and Athl. fig. 96; Bliimel
Sport der Hellenen fig. 113. By the Antiphon Painter (ARV 233 no. 67).

9. Montreal, Prof. F. M. Watkins. The outside of the cup described
above (p. 10) has five hoplitodromoi and a trainer; the right-hand
hoplitodromos on one half is in the position of the start.

10. Louvre G 214, r.f. Nolan amphora. Bull. Nap. n.s. VI pi. 7,
whence Jdl II, 100, above, JHS XIII, 270, Norman Gardiner GAS 274,
and Athl. fig. 87; CVA pi. 40, 3-4 and 7 and 10. Late work by the
Berlin Painter {ARV 136 no. 80).

11. Leyden i8a4, r.f cup. I, Jdl II, 99, whence Schroder Sport 103;
I, Weege Bronzestatuette eines antiken Waffenlaufers (advertisement of
Wiirtembergische Metallwarenfabrik Geislingen-Steige) fig. 3. Probably
by the Alkimachos Painter.

12. Oxford, Mississippi, Prof. D. M. Robinson, r.f. cup. CVA II
pi. 20. Related to the Pistoxcnos Painter.

13. Berlin inv. 3179, Boeotian b.f. skyphos of the Cabirion class, late
fifth century. Schroder Sport 81; Bliimel Sport der Hellenen fig. 130;
Wolters and Bruns Das Kabirenheiligtum bei Theben pi. 29, 1-2 and pi. 50, 11.

14. Heidelberg S 157, fragment of another Cabirion skyphos in the
same style. Wolters and Bruns pi. 50 fig. 10. The hoplitodromos does
not lean over so far.

In two early figures, by one artist, which probably represent hoplitodromoi
starting, the legs are wide apart: this had better be counted as a different
attitude, which will be called {b); although the figure on the Proto-Panaitian
cup in the Cabinet des Medailles (above, no. 7) is midway between this and
the Tubingen bronze:

1. Leipsic T 501, b.f.-and-r.f. cup. Jdl X, 192; AA/LVBcil. 54, 1.
By Pheidippos {ARV 54 no. 5).

2. New York 41.162.8 (ex Gallatin), b.f.-and-r.f cup. AM LVBeil.
54, 2; CVA Gallatin pi. 46. By Pheidippos {ARV 54 no. 6).

If these athletes arc at the start, then so perhaps is the right-hand hoplito¬
dromos on the outside of a lost cup {Jdl X, 190, whence JHS XXIII, 278, 8
and Norman Gardiner GAS 287) by the Painter of the Paris Gigantomachy
(ARV 275 no. 29): Norman Gardiner thinks that he has just started (JHS
XXIII, 280).

A quite different attitude, to be called (r), appears on a cup of about
460 b.c., by the Pcnthesilea Painter, in Boston ( 28 . 48 : fig. 2 ; Norman
Gardiner Athl. fig. 88 ; Diepolder Der Penthesilea-Maler pi. 28 ; earlier repro¬
ductions are inaccurate in detail). The athlete stoops, his left leg bent more

Fig. 2.—From a Cup in Boston.

perhaps thought of as at an angle of forty-five degrees to the runner. It is
practice, of course, not the race itself.

According to Norman Gardiner ‘ though we have several representations
of runners in the attitude of starting, we never see or hear of them starting off
their hands’ (Athl. 135, cf. JHS XXIII, 283 and GAS 274). Here we must
consider a red-figured stemless cup of about 425 b.c. in Leyden, xviii.a.u
(A, plate 7, b ), which I publish by kind permission of Dr W. D. van-
Wijngaarden. 4 Inside, an athlete holding haltercs stands at a pillar in the

* He may mean ‘ of a starter in a position approxi- unfortunately been painted out in the negative, and
mating to modem custom \ nose and mouth touched up.

The highlight to right of the left-hand figure has

J. D. BfcAZLEY

than his right, his left hand resting on his left knee, his right arm extended
with the hand open, palm inward. Norman Gardiner describes this as ‘ the
best representation we have of a starter. 3 A youthful runner stands ready to
start beside a pillar which marks the starting-line, and opposite him stands a
young trainer with his forked wand ready to correct him if he starts too soon ’
(GAS 275-6). The trainer, however, is not standing but hastening forward.

A HOPLITODROMOS CUP

palaestra. One half of the outside shows two athletes, one of whom is using
a pick. On the other half, at a pillar, which no doubt marks the start, an
athlete bends right forward with the finger-tips of both hands resting on the
ground; the left leg is nearly straight, the right bent at the knee, with the
heel raised; he looks up at a youth who may be giving instruction.

This brings us back to the controversial figure on a small red-figured
skyphos of about 470 b . c ., close to the Pan Painter and probably by the artist
himself, in the Hearst collection at San Simeon (Jdl X, 191, whence JHS
XXIII, 283, Schroder Sport 105, Norman Gardiner Athl. 142 fig. 97; AJA
1945, 475, 2, and our plate 6 , a-b, from photographs which I owe to Prof.
H. R. W. Smith). A hoplitodromos, his feet together, leans forward with the
finger-tips of the right hand touching the ground. Hauser held that the start
was figured; Norman Gardiner thought that although it was ‘ impossible to
regard this as a recognised attitude at the start in serious athletics, such a
fanciful position may well have occurred in a race of less serious type at less
important meetings, or in the matches that must constantly have been
arranged among the youths in the various palaestrae. For example in the
present day the runners in an obstacle race are sometimes made to lie down
at the start’ (JHS XXIII, 283). Later (GAS 274) he was inclined to think
that the runner in practising a start had overbalanced, and that the official
on the other side of the skyphos was telling him to go back to his mark. The
figure on the Leyden vase may perhaps help to support Gardiner’s earlier
explanation rather than his later; but even that I feel to be rather forced. Is
it not more likely that in both pictures, San Simeon as well as Leyden, the
youths have simply taken up a more comfortable attitude while listening to
the remarks of the trainer, and will resume the proper position for the start
when he has had his say? I seem to have seen this often in life, although I
cannot remember precisely when and where.

To return to the cup in Oxford. The brown inner markings of the bodies
do not all come out in the photographs. The trainers wear head-fillets, done
in red; the athletes have none. Two of the four helmets are of one shape, the
other two are somewhat different. The device on the * starter’s ’ shield is a
number of rings—three are shown—with a dot in the middle. The other
three shields have a single device, a leaf with seven lobes setting out from a
central round. One of the shields on the Watkins cup (above, p. 11) has
the same leaf for a charge; the same again, but with only five lobes, appears
on the cup London E'8i8 (above, p. 8, note 2), on the hoplitodromos
cup in the Robinson collection (above, p. 11) and elsewhere. Leaves,
usually lobate, are a common charge on shields (Chase in Harvard
Studies XIII, 111-2); and one of the actual shield-devices, of silvered

, 4 J. D. BEAZLEY

bronze, recently found at Olympia, is in the form of a leaf {Jdl LVI,
Olympiabericht iii, 87).

Chase is inclined to think that leaves like ours on shields were meant for
fig-leaves. The resemblance is not very close, but it is hard to find a better
candidate among plants common in Greece. Mr. G. F. Robinson, who kindly
allowed me to consult him, showed me trevesias, fatsias, panaxes, which have
leaves much like those on the shields, but these are not Mediterranean plants.

The hoplitodromoi on the Oxford cup are all young, but the race in armour
required strength as well as dash, and the older man stood a good chance.
This fact may be at the root of the curious episode at the funeral games of
King Thoas which constitutes our earliest reference in literature to the
hoplitodromy. It forms the conclusion of Pindar’s fourth Olympian ode, but
the poet is doubtless drawing from an earlier, epic source:

. . . Sidmipd toi
PpoTcov £Xeyxos‘

•Strep KAupivoio rraTSa
£Xvaev dripfas*

Xatodojai 5 * tv iv-reai vikcov 6p6nov
fenrev prra <r rtyavov lebv

" oOtos lycb TcxyuTan*
yelpes 6§ Kal T^Top laov.

9VOVTCCI 8£ Kal v£ots
£v dvSpaaiv rroXial
0 au 6 xi trapa t6v SAiKi'as
toiKOTa xpbvov.”

c Trial is the proof of men; trial, which freed the son of Klymenos
from the scorn of the Lemnian women. When he won the race in bronze
armour, he said to Hypsipyle as he went to receive the crown: “ Such am
I in speed, with hands and heart to match. Gray hairs often grow even
on young men before the proper time of life.” *

According to the scholia on the passage Erginos defeated the winged sons
of Boreas, Zetes and Kalais, who were great runners. Erginos, of course,
according to Pindar and no doubt the epic poet, was young—prematurely
gray: but the fact in ordinary life, it is fair to conjecture, which suggested the
episode described by Pindar was that this event, the race in armour, was not
infrequently won by a middle-aged man.

The Oxford cup is among the slighter works of the Triptolcmos Painter,
who is an excellent artist with a firm, strong line. A few additions may be
made to the list in ARV 239-43 an d 956. A fragment of a cup in Bryn Mawr:

A HOPLITODROMOS CUP

inside, on the left, a youth seated to right; there must have been another
figure on the right of the picture; outside, a scat-leg, it seems, then the feet
of a male moving to right, and on this side of them the feet of another male
moving to left: it occurred to me that the Freiburg fragments, no. 45 in the
list, might be from the same cup. A fragment of a cup in the Louvre: inside,
a piece of drapery?; outside, the lower parts of two male figures in himatia;
one stands to right, with a stick; the other has the right leg frontal. Frag¬
ments of another cup in the Louvre: the outside is plain, the left half of the
inside remains: on the right, an athlete with one knee on the ground, perhaps
holding an akontion; on the left, a youth in a himation to right, with a stick.
A fragment of a cup in Athens, Agora Museum, P 19574: outside, head and
breast of a youth are preserved. The painter’s worst work is the pelike Villa
Giulia 48339, from Cervetri: on one side, a man leaning on his stick to right,
on the other a youth standing to left, both wearing himatia. Lastly, a small
skyphos, of glaux type, which judging from the reproductions I said ought to
be by the Triptolemos Painter {ARV 956, near the top), is certainly his, as'I
perceive now that I have seen the original. Found in Etruria, at Vulci, it
was at one time in the Hertz collection (Sale Cat. no. 70), then in the Forman
collection (Sale Cat. no. 358), then in that of Alfred Higgins, from which it
passed, not to Sir Alfred Mond (later Lord Melchett) as I had thought, but
to Sir Robert Mond. It is now at Churt House by Rotherfield near Tunbridge
Wells, in the collection of Lord Nathan of Churt, who has kindly permitted me
to publish it here (plate 6, c-d). I am indebted to Mr. Bernard Ashmole for
the photographs, which supersede, in most points, the drawings published by
Cecil Smith in the Forman Catalogue (pi. 11, below), and in all points the iiny
photograph reproduced in the Burlington Catalogue for 1903 (pi. 96, I 80).
Height 7-8 centimetres, width 10-5, with the handles 16-8. On each half of
the vase, a young athlete: on one side, loosening the soil of the palaestra with
a pick; on the other, resting, seated on the ground, clasping his knee, and
looking at his companion. A boxer’s thong, folded up, hangs on the wall
behind him, and in front of him strigil and aryballos. Aryballos and strigil
are also seen to the left of the other youth, and behind him a pillar. Relief¬
lines for the contours, brown lines for the minor markings of the bodies. The
lower lip of the active athlete is damaged, and so is the hair on his forehead.
The peg over which the carrying-thong of the aryballos is passed shows in both
pictures, not only in one as would appear from the drawing. The head of the
pickaxe shaft, where it projects from the bar in the middle, is also omitted
in the drawing, and the little upright handles or ears of the aryballoi.

J. D. Beazley

PRECLASSICAL GREECE-A SURVEY

Four score years have passed since archaeological research began to occupy
itself with the preclassical age of Greek lands; and this is perhaps an appro¬
priate moment to cast a brief appraising glance at what has been accomplished
and what remains still to be done. It is an especially fitting subject in this
volume of studies issued in honour of Professor Alan J. B. Wace, who has
himself played so large a part in the task of uncovering and interpreting the
early remains on the mainland of Greece. This long span of eight decades
might be divided into two almost equal stages, that of pioneering exploration
and discovery, and that of re-examination, more detailed research and
synthesis.

The first generation of preclassicists, dominated to a great extent by the
colourful figure of Heinrich Schliemann, gave its attention to many of the
large sites, well known from their role in Greek tradition. After his early
successes at Troy Schliemann thus turned in . 1876 to Mycenae, where he
exposed the entrance through the Lion Gate, discovered the Grave Circle, and
the Royal Shaft Graves with their rich treasure, and cleared in part the
iholos tomb christened the Tomb of Clytemnestra. In 1880—81 he excavated
what was left of the comparable tholos at Orchomenos, and in *884, with the
collaboration of Dorpfeld, laid bare the palace at Tiryns.

Chrestos Tsountas, who in 1886 followed in the footsteps of Schliemann at
Mycenae, spent more than a decade in fruitful investigation: he uncovered
the palace and many houses on the Mycenaean citadel, and excavated wholly
or in part seven further tholoi as well as some two hundred chamber tombs.
In 1889-90 he extended his researches farther afield and cleared tholos tombs
at Vaphio in Laconia and at Kampos on the western side of Taygetos. Mean¬
while other tholos tombs had been found at Mcnidi (1879) and at Thorikos
(1888) in Attica, and at Dimini (1886) in Thessaly; and chamber tombs in
increasing numbers came to light at Spata (1877) and many other places in
Attica, at Nauplia (1879), and elsewhere. Mycenaean remains were also
recovered in the great excavation of the Acropolis at Athens, and at Eleusis.
In 1878 and 1886 Furtwanglcr and Loeschcke published Mykenische Thongefasse
and Mykenische Vasen, the first ambitious books on Mycenaean pottery; and
by the end of the nineteenth century Mycenaean civilisation had come into
our ken.

Another culture, quite different and obviously more primitive, had also
been revealed in the Cyclades, where many hundreds of cist graves were

PRECLASSICAL GREECE—A SURVEY iy

discovered and excavated by Tsountas; his publications in AE 1898 and 1899
are still excellent models of reporting and analysis. The progress and develop¬
ment of Cycladic civilisation was further clarified in the admirable excavations
of the British School at Phylakopi in Melos.

With the opening of the twentieth century active interest turned to the
north and south. In Thessaly excavations at Dimini, begun by others and
completed by Tsountas, and the latter’s own work at Sesklo disclosed a culture
which flourished before the use of metal was introduced and which could
therefore be attributed to a neolithic stage. Comparable pottery was also
discovered by a Bavarian expedition at Orchomenos, where remains of pre-
Mycenaean strata of the Bronze Age were likewise found. Other sites in
Bocotia and Phocis soon yielded similar material. By 1910 all the major
preclassical layers had been seen in one place or another, but their exact
sequence and relation had not yet been determined.

Meanwhile in Crete the great excavations of Sir Arthur Evans which began
at Knossos in 1900 had brought to light a huge Minoan palace and deep
accumulations of debris that presented an uninterrupted succession of strata.
Observation of the stratigraphy enabled Evans in 1906 to divide the Bronze
Age into three main periods, which he called Early, Middle, and Late Minoan,
and to recognise three definite subdivisions of each. This was an epoch-
making achievement that established the framework of history in the Aegean
Bronze Age. The system, which fitted well the other sites excavated in Crete,
was quickly found to have a general application to the stratigraphy that had*
been recognised at Phylakopi, and was thus adopted also for the Cycladic
area.

To the second stage of preclassical research, which was interrupted by two
local and two world wars, belongs the resumption of excavations by
the German Archaeological Institute at Tiryns, which especially under the
direction of G. Karo and K. Muller yielded abundant new information about
the architectural and ceramic history of the site. Eminent place must also
be given to the work of the British School, conducted by A. J. B. Wace, which
vastly enlarged our knowledge of the great monuments at Mycenae and their
chronology, the Palace, the Grave Circle, the Lion Gate, the fortification
walls, the tholos tombs, and also provided a detailed account of twenty-four
further chamber tombs. A notable contribution was likewise made by
G. Karo’s detailed and scholarly publication (1930-33) of all the objects that
Schliemann and Stamatakis had found in the Shaft Graves.

The excavations of Wace and Thompson at several sites in Thessaly added

much new material and brought clarification to many problems of the

Neolithic Age, which was now seen to have had a long duration. Remains of
c

,8 CARL W. BLEGEN

a closely related, if not identical Neolithic culture, were gradually uncovered
through the efforts of other archaeologists in Phocis, Boeotia, Attica, and the
Pcloponnesos, and it became clear that the whole of continental Greece had
been intensively occupied in that era.

The discovery and excavation of several small, modest settlements, where
no monumental construction had seriously disturbed the underlying accumu¬
lation, led to a considerable advance in our understanding of Greek pre¬
history; for here the stratification proved often to be relatively well preserved,
and it demonstrated that the deposits of the Bronze Age consisted normally of
three successive layers, each marked by distinctive architecture, tombs,' and
potter)'. It thus became apparent that the Bronze Age on the mainland,
like that in Crete, had its early, middle, and late periods.

In obtaining this evidence many archaeologists participated. The
American School played a role through its excavations in the Corinthian
region at Korakou, Gonia, and Zygouries (in the exploration of which
A. J. B. Wace was an invaluable collaborator), and through its joint sponsor¬
ship with the Fogg Museum of the excavations at Eutresis in Boeotia directed
by Hetty Goldman. Swedish expeditions likewise contributed substantially
through their work in Argolis, chiefly under the direction of A. W. Persson,
at Asine, Dendra, and Berbati, in Arcadia at Asea, and in northern Messenia.
Further tholos tombs at Dendra and Berbati and at Messenian Pylos were
discovered, and numerous chamber tombs were found, especially at Asine,
Dendra, and the Argive Heraeum. Much additional material of the Bronze
.Age was recovered at Eleusis by Kourouniotis and Mylonas, and the latter
brought to light a cemetery of the Early Bronze Age at Hagios Kosmas in
Attica. Fruitful results were obtained by the American School in the
explorations of O. Broneer on the north slope of the Acropolis and in the
great excavations of the Athenian Agora. At Thebes Keramopoullos exposed
the surviving remains of a Mycenaean palace, containing a series of inscribed
storage jars, and also investigated several cemeteries of contemporary chamber
tombs.

Remains of an important settlement that maintained its existence from
neolithic times to the end of the Bronze Age were discovered beneath the
temple of Aphrodite at Aegina. Supplementary explorations in Euboea and
the Cyclades also yielded their quota of new evidence.

Intensive excavations in eastern and central Crete shed much new light
on early Cretan civilisation; and in Sir Arthur Evans’ great work The Palace
of Minos at Knossos, the I talian publications on Phaistos, and the French on
Mallia, a well-rounded picture of the Minoan Age emerged.

\\ork of exploration was extended widely into Macedonia, where many

PRECLASSICAL GREECE—A SURVEY

sites of the Late Stone Age, the Bronze Age, and the Iron Age were discovered
and excavated, especially by W. A. Hcurtley. An Italian expedition un¬
covered a settlement of importance on the island of Lemnos, and an Early
Bronze Age establishment that passed through five phases was excavated by
Winifred Lamb at Thermi in Lesbos. An expedition sponsored by the
University of Cincinnati undertook a fresh study at Troy (Hisarlik), where it
conducted seven campaigns of excavation from 1932 to 1938.

The eighty years of exploration, excavation, and study, which have been
briefly summarised, and to which not only those mentioned but a great many
other archaeologists contributed in devoted measure, have built up a consider¬
able knowledge of preclassical Greece. It is clear that two main eras of
culture are represented, one falling in the Neolithic, the other in the Bronze
Age.

The deposits of the Neolithic Period are very deep at some sites, especially
in Thessaly, where many strata give evidence that the culture lasted long and
passed through many phases. Throughout its existence men lived in settled
communities. Their houses were built usually with foundations of stone and
a superstructure of crude brick, but we know relatively little of their ground
plans. In some instances the settlement was surrounded by a fortification wall.
Life was based on an agricultural economy: fields were cultivated and domesti¬
cated animals were kept. Almost no human burials have yet been found.
Weapons, tools, and implements were made of stone, bone, and no doubt
wood. Idols of stone and terracotta make their appearance in a characteristic
steatopygous form. Simple ornaments of stone, bone, and terracotta are of
fairly common occurrence. Hand-made pottery was produced in great
abundance and in a broad variety of shapes and styles, plain and with incised
or painted decoration. Some of the finest ware in a thin, delicate, red mono¬
chrome fabric is distinctive of the early phases, and there appears to be a
progressive deterioration in the quality of the pottery towards the end of the
period.

In central and southern Greece, where few good sites have been thoroughly
excavated, this culture manifests in its artefacts and pottery what seem to be
local variations; one of the most striking features is the use of a glaze in the
decoration of pottery, the so-called neolithic urfirnis.

There are many unsolved problems, many questions that cannot be
answered.. The various phases have not yet been adequately differentiated,
although since Tsountas’ time it has been safe to speak in broad terms of a
First and Second Period; nor have their relations, one to another, been fully
clarified. In Thessaly itself the relationship between the Sesklo culture,
First Period, and the Dimini culture, Second Period, has not been satisfactorily

CARL W. BLEGEN

ascertained; and the theory of an invasion from the Black Earth Region has
not been established beyond doubt. No one has yet been able to explain
clearly the connections between Thessaly on the one hand and central
Greece and Peloponnesos on the other. The relation, if any, between the
neolithic culture of the mainland and that of Crete is likewise still undeter¬
mined. It has not yet been possible to discover just how the neolithic
civilisation came to its end and fell before its successor of the Early Bronze Age.

No fresh excavations have been made in Thessaly since the work of Wace
and Thompson nearly forty years ago; and all recent interpretations and
theories are based on their and Tsountas’ admirable observations. But much
has been learned in the intervening years from other parts of the Aegean area
that should be brought into comparison with the material from Thessaly and
tested by fresh stratigraphic study. What is clearly needed now is a new
excavation of some good site, an excavation on a relatively large scale,
employing the latest methods of research and recording. In that way some
of the many specific unsolved problems that can be answered today only by
theory and deduction, founded on inadequate comparisons and supposed
similarities, might well find their solution. It might be mentioned in passing
that comparisons of pottery shapes and decorative motives based on photo¬
graphs alone arc far less reliable as evidence than a study of the objects
themselves side by side. In dealing with pottery the character of the fabric,
which often cannot be seen in a photograph, may be of the greatest importance.

When we turn to the Bronze Age we find ourselves on firmer ground,
though here too there are numerous perplexing unsettled questions. The
triple division is, however, solidly established by stratigraphic evidence, and
we can speak with confidence of the Early, Middle, and Late Periods. The
nomenclature too has now been pretty generally accepted on a geographical
basis: the term Minoan, first suggested by Evans, is universally established
for the remains and periods in Crete; the culture of the central Aegean
islands is called Cycladic; and the name Hclladic has in most quarters been
adopted to designate the roughly corresponding periods and remains found
on the Greek mainland.

The problems in the Minoan area need not detain us, since they have been
fully set forth by Pcndlcbury, and there is little to add to the survey given in
his book The Archaeology of Crete. Passing over the Cyclades also we shall
limit ourselves to a review of the state of affairs on the mainland.

Though much supplementary information has come from many other sites,
the Early Hclladic Period is best known from the excavations in Argolis, Boeotia,
and Corinthia that have been mentioned. The depth of the deposit at
Eutresis exceeded four metres; at the Corinthian and Argolid sites it was more

PRECLASSICAL GREECE—A SURVEY

than two metres; and everywhere it showed numerous habitation levels,
implying that the period was a long one. Throughout it the inhabitants, like
their predecessors, lived in communities or villages, engaged in agriculture,
and raised cattle, sheep, goats, and pigs. Carbonised wheat has been
recognised in a stratum of Early Helladic II at Eutresis. Houses were built
with walls of crude brick supported on broad stone socles. Except for a large
circular building at Tiryns, they exhibit fairly consistent rectangular plans, and
some were of large size. No certain remains of fortification walls have been
recognised. Burials of several types have been found : ossuaries, stone-lined
cists like those of the Cyclades, and small chambers opening from the bottom
of a vertical shaft. Alongside stone and bone implements, which continued
to be used, tools and weapons of copper make their appearance. Gold and
silver were worked into jewellery and ornaments, and three gold sauce-boats*
are known. Figurines of terracotta occur, anthropomorphic as w'ell as zoo-
morphic, of types quite different from those that prevailed in the Neolithic
Period. The pottery,. too, of excellent fabric and in a wide repertory of
distinctive shapes, has a character of its own. A close kinship with Early
Cycladic and Early Minoan is unmistakable; and the geographical distri¬
bution of Early Helladic sites suggests that the bearers of this culture entered
southern Greece and gradually extended their dominion northward.

The Early Helladic Period still offers many unsolved problems. At some
sites the excavators, on the analogy of Evans’ Minoan system, have ventured
to distinguish three major subperiods which they call Early Helladic I, II,
and III. These divisions are founded on a study of the stratification, and
their local applicability at each site is unquestionable; but they have not yet
been adequately correlated to permit a general application with any clarity
of definition to the entire area. Writers w r ho refer easily to. Early Helladic I,
II, and III are thus dealing with concepts that are still somew’hat nebulous
and ill-defined, and such generalisations must be regarded with caution.

The difficulty is that Early Helladic deposits have not yet been sufficiently
explored. The earliest strata have for the most part barely been touched,
usually at the bottom of small deep pits that yielded relatively little material;
and there has nowhere been an excavation of a large area on an adequate
scale to allow the stratification to be studied with the thoroughness required.
Such an excavation is an indispensable need for further progress in co¬
ordinating and correlating the phases of Early Helladic from site to site and
in their broader relationship to the Aegean world. It might also yield much
information, now lacking, to shed light on the manner in which Early Helladic
civilisation displaced its neolithic predecessor, concerning which virtually
nothing is yet known. How the Early Helladic Period came to its end is

CARL W. BLEGEN

likewise a subject that demands further investigation. At some sites a burnt
stratum seems to indicate a thoroughgoing destruction; elsewhere a less
violent transition has been postulated, with many survivals. One consider¬
ation of significance is the fact that a great many Early Helladic setdemcnts
were abandoned at the close of the period and never reoccupied.

Remains of Middle Helladic culture are fairly abundant. In the settle¬
ments that have been excavated many houses have been uncovered and a
distinctive style of architecture, marked by neat, narrow walls, is found.
Rectangular and apsidal ground plans occur apparently side by side. No
fortifications have yet been identified. Life continued as before, based
primarily on agriculture and stock raising. Burials almost always are single
interments in small, plain or stone-lined cists or shafts, sometimes in pithoi.
m Bronze has replaced copper for weapons and implements, though stone, bone,
and terracotta were still used for various purposes. A new type of pottery,
Grey Minyan Ware, is characteristic; and to it is soon added another, perhaps
of Cycladic derivation, bearing decoration in matt paint. The introduction of
the potter’s wheel also falls in this period. The geographical distribution of
the principal settlements supports the view that Middle Helladic culture was
brought by invaders from the north, or more probably the north-east, perhaps
coming by sea. In the course of the period, which must have lasted a con¬
siderable time, change and development can be traced, especially in the
pottery. Contact was made with the islands and eventually with Crete; it
was speedily followed by an intensification of relations which, towards the end
of the period and in the next, led to a deep penetration of the mainland by
Minoan culture. Whether this was brought about by a Cretan conquest or
by the receptive borrowing attitude of the mainland population is still a
disputed question.

The Middle Helladic Period, so far as its internal division is concerned, is
even Jess well known than the Early Helladic. Excavators have observed
successive habitation levels; at some sites three main subperiods have been
postulated, at others only two, but there is no convincing correlation from site
to site over the Helladic area. It is thus premature and going beyond the
evidence yet available to use the terms Middle Helladic I, II, and III as if they
were established general concepts with validity for the whole Greek mainland.

Apart from its origin, internal division, and the nature of its intercourse
with Crete, Middle Helladic culture sets us many other problems. What is
the meaning of the homogeneous culture in Troy VI ? How and when did
it establish its supremacy over the mainland and some islands of the Cyclades?
How did it dispose of its predecessors? Was it brought by a people of Indo-
European—possibly early Greek—stock? Did they bring with them the

PRECLASSICAL GREECE—A SURVEY

horse? What does the appearance of Mattpainted Ware mean? How did
the Middle Helladic evolve into Late Helladic civilisation? Many of these
questions may long remain in the field of surmise and speculation, but some
of them could no doubt be answered by the thorough stratigraphic excavation
of a good Middle Helladic site, large enough and with a sufficient depth of
deposit to provide abundant architectural and other material in undisturbed
sequence.

The Late Helladic or Mycenaean Period has yielded far more
archaeological remains than any of its predecessors: great palaces set within
fortified citadels, numerous houses, large and small, frescoes, the Royal
Shaft Graves, some forty tholos tombs, and many hundreds of chamber tombs,
abundant works of art and jewellery in gold, silver, stone, ivory, faience, glass,
etc., weapons of bronze, terracottas, vast quantities of pottery, and not of
least importance considerable remnants of writing and of written records.
Three general stages in the development of this culture, Late Helladic I, II,
and III, have long been accepted as safely established, and their essential
correctness can hardly be doubted. But, as has sometimes been remarked,
almost no site has yet been found with a deposit that preserved clearly marked
strata in a complete, undisturbed sequence convincingly representing these
major stages. *

If stratigraphic evidence for the main divisions is thus awkwardly scanty,
it is even more disconcertingly lacking for the many minor subdivisions that
Furumark has recently set up for what he calls Mycenaean II and especially
Mycenaean III. The latter period he separates into no fewer than seven
phases: Mycenaean III Ai, III A2 early, III A2 late, IIIB, IIICi early,
III Ci late, III C2. Observation of the stratification at Zygouries, Mycenae
(Lion Gate area), Asine, and elsewhere had provided the basis for a triple
division of the long period of Late Helladic III, and one may therefore refer
with some confidence to Late Helladic III A, Late Helladic III B, and Late
Helladic III C; but the more minute distinctions made by Furumark depend
almost wholly on his reconstruction of a typological scries of shapes and
decorative styles and motives that he takes to illustrate the development of
Late Mycenaean pottery. In its details the structure thus rests on subjective
theory: it is a logical structure that has much to commend it, but it cannot
yet be regarded as founded on ascertained fact, and stratigraphic evidence
wffien discovered may still impose some modifications. There is for example
an apparent discrepancy between the long chronology of 125 years assigned
to Period III A, which is divided into three phases, and the much shorter
span of 75 years allotted to Period III B, for w'hich no subdivisions are
proposed. This discrepancy is the more striking when one recalls that a far

CARL W. BLEGEN

greater amount of the pottery brought to light at Mycenaean sites must be
classed as III B than as III A.

The transition from Middle Helladic to Late Hclladic is still shrouded in
obscurity. At northern sites it seems to have been effected much later than
in the south. No evidence from stratification has yet been found to bear
decisively on this problem. Exactly how and how far the mainland area
came under Minoan cultural influence is likewise a question that has not yet
been fully answered. Mycenaean relations with the far north of Greece and
with the Anatolian coast are still rather the subjects of speculation than of
known fact. There are many other general as well as specific problems.
Here, too, it is obvious that the systematic excavation of a fresh site might add
much to supplement what is already known and to fill serious gaps in the record.
But a site still retaining a substantial deposit, with its stratification unimpaired,
will have to be sought with patience and care. If one exists and can be found
at all, it deserves to be excavated with most attentive stratigraphic method.

Nothing has yet been said about chronology which, though it is of course
a thorny perennial problem in preclassical archaeology, is not a special
concern of this paper. For the Late Helladic Period and its three major
divisions, at any rate, there can be little doubt that the dating now widely
accepted ( e.g . by Furumark) is reasonably well attested and as nearly correct
as one could hope to attain. For the Middle Helladic and Early Helladic
Periods, however, the margin of error grows progressively larger, and the
chronological limits of the Neolithic Period still remain highly uncertain.
With the evidence now available almost the maximum has been done in the
way of combination and comparison; and until our knowledge of those
periods themselves and their subdivisions can be rounded out more fully,
there is little prospect of decisive further progress. It is tempting on the
basis of similarities and parallels and combinations to draw up broad corre¬
lations and equations, but when the evidence is scanty the danger of being led
astray is great. It seems to me we have now reached a point when it is
desirable and necessary to restrain speculation and imagination and to seek
fresh evidence. Innumerable untouched preclassical sites still exist in Greece.
Surely one or several could be found, perhaps in Thessaly, Boeotia, and the
Peloponncsos, the systematic excavation of which in the light of present
knowledge might yield answers to many of the problems that confront us.
A new thorough exploration, especially with reference to the Neolithic, Early
Helladic, and Middle Helladic Periods, could hardly fail to produce fresh
information of value. No major excavation in this field has been undertaken
for a decade. It is time to call on the spade again.

Carl W. Blegen

THE RECEPTION HALLS OF THE ROMAN EMPERORS

In his admirable paper 4 Ravennatum Palatium Sacrum 9 (Det Kgl.
Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. Archaeologisk-kunsthistoriske Meddelelser 3, 2.
Copenhagen, 1941) Dr. Einar Dyggve has revealed to us the type of the
emperors’ reception halls— la basilica ipetrale per ceremonie —in the late Roman
empire. Analysing in a masterly way the famous mosaic of S. Apollinare
Nuovo showing the Palatium of Theoderic, the missorium of Theodosius, the
literary evidence for the Magnaura of Constantine, and architectural material,
such as the palace of Diocletian in Spalato, from the fourth, fifth, and sixth
centuries a.d., he defines a highly monumental tripartite architectural
complex consisting of a tribunalium , also to be styled atrium or basilica discoperta,
with a triumphal arch at its upper end, then a triclinium behind the atrium , and
finally a most holy innermost absidal room, a choir. The ceremonies
belonging to it were connected with state appearances of the emperors and
their courts before a greater public. The men were assembled under the
open sky in the nave of the tribunalium (atrium), and the ladies in the two-
storeyed aisles (loc. cit., fig. 29), as in the Byzantine churches (loc. cit. 31, note
1. Cf. below p. 31). This type of tripartite audience-suite was among the
architectural schemes taken over by the Christians; indeed, as a matter of
fact it was one of the most important ones, as shown by old St. Peter’s, by
S. Ambrogio in Milan and other early churches. 1 With the architectural form
no doubt followed also ceremonies of the Imperial court.

All this had an interesting background in earlier Roman history, a back¬
ground which should not be overlooked because of assumptions or even
discoveries of direct Oriental influence. Rash conclusions of that kind are
in vogue today. 2 No one has denied that there was a fresh and renewed

1 Cf. the collection of plans and discussion in R.
Krauthcimcr’s ‘ The Carolingian Revival of Early
Christian Architecture The Art Bulletin XXIV
(March 1942), 1 ff.

* H. P. L’Orangc has made most inspiring and in
parts excellent observations about Oriental influence,
adding much of the greatest interest to our knowledge,
but cf. my criticism of his ‘ Domus Aurea—Der
Sonnenpalast ’ [Serta Eitremiana, 1942, 68 ff.) in Eranos
Rudbergianus [Eranos XLIV (1946), 442 ff.). Replying
in Keiseren pd himmeltronen (Oslo 1949), 53, the brilliant
Norwegian scholar in my view altogether misses the
point. I still believe with L’Orange that the revolving
praecipua cenalionum rotunda of the Neronian Domus
Aurea (Suetonius, Men 31) had Oriental ancestry and
cosmic meaning. But I also still insist that L’Orange’s
far-reaching conclusions about the rest of the Domus
Aurea are unfounded [cf. p. 28). Above all, I insist

that L'Orange ought more fully to realise the impor¬
tance of the evident Roman tradition in the Domus
Aurea: rus in urbe (Martial XII 57, 2t}, the Roman
villas, the architectural type of the portion villa used
for the main casino of the villa [cf. already H. Swoboda,
Romische und romanische Paldsle, and ed., 1924, 51), the
dome with revolving stars, described by Va.no, De
r. r. Ill 5, 17 (the fact is mentioned by L’Orange, loc.
cit. Cf. Lehmann, * The Dome of Heaven The Art
Bulletin XXVII (March 1945), 10). The whole
picture becomes dogmatic, onc-sidea, and unreal, if
we do not observe the fascinating interchange between
local and late imported elements, because of exagger¬
ated interest for the latter.

I must emphasise, in any case, that architectural
tradition is one thing, use and meaning another. The
fact that we have a luxurious dome, with ingenious
imitation of stars and heaven, in the aviarium described

AXEL BOETHIUS

importation of Oriental features not only in the late Empire but as early as
the days of—especially—Caligula, Nero, and Domitian. Martial summarises
it splendidly in his praise of Trajan (X 72). Almost classic, of course, are
Juvenal's words (III 63 ff.) :

lam pridem Syrns in Tiberim defluxit Orontes
et linguam et mores . . . secum

vexit . . .

But it is not sound to forget, in favour of these new waves of Orontes, the
intrusion of Hellenistic-Oriental influence in the three last centuries b.c.
The Oriental elements here go together with all the Hellenistic items which
—reshaped in Italy—moulded the style and programme of the Roman
empire. 3 Traditions from the Etruscans and from old Rome, and Oriental
and Hellenistic elements, had by late Republican days created the consuetudo
italica , amply described as such by Vitruvius in his fifth and sixth books and
elsewhere, with all which that means in the way of revolutionary technique
(concrete, etc.) and new features destined to dominate the future, such as the
tenement houses described by Vitruvius (II 8, 17), domes like that of the
aviarium described by Varro ( cf note 2), the Italic temples with their Greek
decoration and traditions from the Tuscan temples, the shrines of the ancestral
masks with their Hellenistic fastigia, 4 the typically Roman city planning, 5 the
baths—as we see them in Pompeii, the fora> etc., etc. 6 Over and over again
on Hellenistic ash-urns and sarcophagi we meet with expressive features,
which reappear on the columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius, not to speak

by Varro, does not of course by any means exclude the
possibility that the same features in the Imperial
palace had a religious, cosmic meaning. In both cases
the Oriental ancestry seems evident—the wooden
domes in the Near East Uf Lehmann, ob. cit. i ff.,
and now- E. Baldwin Smith, The Dome. A Study in the
History of Ideas. Princeton 1950). It is, however,
necessary to observe how early such an achievement as
the dome in question was introduced into Roman villa
architecture, the main source, that is, of the Roman
tradition of the Domus Aurca more than one hundred

E ars later.. The new influences from the Orient in
1 penal times met with clearly exemplified and
already rooted Hellenistic-Oriental achievements of
the same kind in Italy. This should, of course, make
us careful in our conclusions. The early appearance
of wooden domes in Italy, stressed by Lehmann, is
further of greatest importance for the whole history of
that architectural type. In Italy domes, thanks to the
Homan concrete, reached greater proportions and a
monumental stability obviously unknown elsewhere or
earlier. Ihe Augustan domes of Baiae, and others also,
show us how early this new, Roman, epoch in the
hutory of domed architecture started. Without losing
sight of the basic Eastern inspiration, we see here the

Oriental legacy returning from Rome in a form
amplified by its technique and by its grandeur, and of
the greatest importance for what seem to be the original
homelands.

* Cf my summary 4 Three Roman Contributions to
World Architecture , Feslskrif tillagnadj. An'ud Hedvall
(Gothenburg 1948), 59 ff. I am happy to see how
many of the ideas discussed in my contributions, and
ouoted also in notes 5 and 7,1 have in common with G.
Rodenwaldt and B. Schweitzer; ef especially ‘ Die
soatantiken Grundlagen der mittelalterlichcn Kunst
Leibziger Unimsitdlsreden 16, Leipzig 1949.

C. Wendel, ‘Armarium legumj Akademie der
Wissenschaften in Gittingen, Philol.-hist. Klasse 1946-7, 9.
E. G. Buddc, Armarium und Diss. Munster

E h %• 44 ff. Cf K. Schefold, Orient, Hellas und
in der arehaologischer Forschung seit 1939 (Bern 1949),

162.

1 I have summarised literature and discussion in
‘ Roman and Greek Town Architecture ’ in Gbleborgs
Hogskolas Arsskrif LIV (1948), 3.

* Cf. E. Gjerstad, ‘Dir Ursprungsgeschichte der
romischcn Kaiserfora \ and the literature quoted by
him in Acta instituti romani regni Sueciae X ( Opusiula
archaeologica III, Lund 1944), 4° ff -

THE RECEPTION HALLS OF THE ROMAN EMPERORS 27

of the panels of the triumphal arch of Septimius Scverus. 7 I mean disregard
of perspective and proportion, display of figures and features of the landscape
which are on the same level by piling them up above each other, continuation
of an entire story in the same picture, and so on. This was probably due to
early influences from a lively narrative Hellenistic style, inspired by Oriental
art and akin to the rich detailed style of Hellenistic history, which classicism
outdid. Triumphal paintings probably kept the style alive for special
occasions in spite of the victorious official classicism of the Empire after
Augustus, in the same way as today, for instance, styles which are quite
diclasses but dear to the great public flourish on the great painted banners and
tapestries illustrating the lives of the saints, set up at the canonisations in St.
Peter’s. It would thus indeed be rash to take this expressive style, the future
ruler of early Christian taste, when it appears in Imperial times, as solely the
direct influence from the contemporaneous Hellenistic Oriental world. That
influence had already had an earlier history in Italy. H. Fuchs has in a most
illuminating way discussed the same early amalgamation, on the vast field of
political ideas, in the Baseler ^eitschrift fir Geschichte und Altertuinskunde (Festband
Felix Stdhelin , 1943, 38 ff.). I do not need to enter the field of Oriental cults,
where the process is obvious and generally acknowledged, to prove that
Oriental elements belonged to the great syncretism, remodelling Roman
Hellenism or Hellenised Roman culture of late Republican Rome. We
oversimplify in the most obvious way if we confound the already naturalised
Oriental heritage from earlier times with elements from the same enduring
Oriental source in the days of the later emperors, not seeing that the situation
was far more interesting and complex than that!

The pre-history of the reception halls characterised by Dyggve affords us a
concrete illustration of these general considerations. Like the images of the
ancestors 4 great Romans could also get the ius fastigii. Quern is honorem
maiorem consecutus erat , quam ut haberet pulvinar , simulacrum, fastigium, jlaminem ?
asks Cicero about Caesar. 8 The Greek background can be made clear by, for
instance, Aristophanes, Aves 1109:

dTa Trpos TOUTOIOTV COOTT£p Iv lepols olK^OETe-

tos yap C/pcov oixias ^peyopw Trpos drrov.

Caesar’s fastigium is—as far as I have been able to discover up to now—the
first indication of a Roman tradition of the right to have a shrine-like entrance.

5 Cf. Rodcnwaldt, Jdl LV (1940), 12 ff., and—for
earlier discussion—my ‘ Roman Architecture from its
Classicistic to its Late Imperial Phase GoUborgs
Hogskolas Arsskrift XLVII (1941). 8.

* Phil. II 43, no. Cf. Florus II 13, 91, Obsequens
67. That a gable over the entrance—such as the gods
had in their shrines—meant consecration, is testified

for instance by Cicero, De oralorc III 180, Bekker,
Aw. Ci. I 361, and others. It was a Ttpovoufa t&v
woB*. Caesar appeared as drus and dominus, when he
received the Senate in the entrance hall of the temple
of Venus Genetrix (Suetonius, Dims Julius 78). Cf.
E. Wistrand, Eranos XXXVII (1939), 40.

28 AXEL BOETHIUS

That is basic for the whole development leading to the Imperial reception
suites.

Next comes Caesar again, receiving the Patres Conscripti sedens pro
aede Veneris and acquiring thus praecipua et exitiabilis invidia (Suetonius, Divus
Julius 78). Caligula continued this tradition by using the temple of Castor
and Pollux as a vestibule of the Palatine (Suetonius, C. Caligula 22) and making
his appearance between his two brothers, the Dioscuri. L’Orange 9 has
admirably pointed out that especially Caligula, Nero, and Domitian intro¬
duced Hellenistic and Oriental elements into the Imperial etiquette and
art of the court. Together with that belonged, no doubt, his sacrilegious
vestibulum , though we should not, on the other hand, lose sight of the earlier
related attempts in Rome. The situation, with undeniable earlier and
probably renewed inspiration from the East in Rome, is typical—and clear.
The next step takes us to Nero and his entrance-hall to the Domus Aurea.
Here L’Orange is evidently wrong in asserting over and over again 10 that
the great central statue of the vestibulum of the Domus Aurea was Nero as a
sun-god. We do indeed know that that identification might have been
made elsewhere (nobody has denied or can deny that; cf. Dio Cassius LXIII
6, 2, where Nero appears among the stars on the purple vela of a theatre),
but in this case—as H. Bloch also remarks AJP LXX 100—the only thing
we know is that the colossus according to Suetonius, Nero 31, was ipsius effigies,
and that according to Plin. XXXIV 45, S. Vesp. 18, Vespasian changed it into a
statue of the Sun. In other words, L’Orange connects it, without foundation,
with the Kosmokrator ideas (to which the praecipua cenationum rotunda very
likely belonged), whilst in reality it belonged to another tradition, that of the
Imperial attempts to create divine reception halls with all which that implies
of earlier endeavours (Caesar, Caligula) and new importation of Oriental
superstitions and blanditiae (to quote Martial loc. cit.). The story about the
statue of Nero which was transformed to a statue of the Sun becomes pointless,
if we do not see the sidereus colossus in this context and if we assume, without
any foundation at all, that it was a statue of Nero as the Sun from the
beginning.

Then follows Domitian. As Claudius had removed the offence given by
Caligula’s usurpation of the temple of the Dioscuri (Dio Cassius LX 6, 8), so
Vespasian transformed the colossus to a real god and started to turn all the
Domus Aurea into deliciae populi (Martial, De spectaculis 2). Domitian
again not only built his sensational palace on the Palatine but also returned
once more to the idea of creating a stately propylon for the emperors towards

• See especially' Domus Aurea—Dcr Sonnenpalasi
discussed in note 2.

10 Lately in Keistren pi himrrultrorun, 53.

THE RECEPTION HALLS OF THE ROMAN EMPERORS 29

the Forum Romanum. We see his solution of the problem in the building
next to the so-called Templum Divi Augusti, which before the sixth century
was remodelled as the church of Sta Maria Antiqua. 11 As I have hinted
above, p. 25, ecclesiastical architecture had early adopted the type of tri¬
partite imperial reception-hall for its purposes. The reception-hall of
Domitian heralds that kind of building with an atrium, where the emperor
could receive a greater crowd, and behind that—probably separated from the
atrium by curtains—an inner hall (a basilica), and finally, the choir, now
adorned by the painting of the crucifixion. Here—already in Domitian’s
time—appears the main conception of the future large reception-suites,
studied by Dyggve. The next instances are the palace of Diocletian in
Spalato and the Magnaura of Constantine, 12 where the atrium seems to have
been a roomy basilica discoperta (to use Dyggve’s appropriate terminology; see
his fig. 45). Before Spalato we probably have to insert the palace of
Nicomedia. 13

Appian (BC II 15, 102) detects new Oriental influence in the Forum of
Caesar, which, as we see it, in my opinion clearly reproduces the type of
Hellenised Italic forum known to us from Pompeii. Perhaps he referred only
to the institutional function of the new forum or perhaps even to the endeavours
to create closed monumental units protected by high enclosure walls, which
are typical of the Imperial fora (in contrast to a forum like that of Pompeii
with its otherwise identical planning). In the same way the tripartite
reception-halls, both the forerunner, of Domitian, at the Forum, and the
later very much enlarged and more luxurious reception-suites of the fourth
and succeeding centuries, might have revealed elements of recent and repeated
Oriental influence. But it would indeed be hasty to assume only new Oriental
or Hellenistic models. On the contrary, these buildings were part of the
Latin penetration of the East, typical of the reconstruction of the empire of
Diocletian and Constantine! Their colonnades etc. were, of course, due to
Hellenistic influence. Whatever Eastern elements can have been added in
the Imperial age, these reception-suites, as we meet with them, were a result
of the remoulding of foreign influence in Rome since late Republican times,
under the sway of Roman tradition and, later, of the spirit of the Imperial
court in its various phases of development.

Which were, then, we may ask, the Roman traditions which co-operated

11 For the date of the building cf. Dorothy M.
Robothan, ‘ The Midas Touch of Domitian TAP A
LXXIII (1942), 132. H. Bloch, ‘ I bolli laterizi e la
storia edilizia romana BulUtino Comunale LXIV

W , 29 ff. See also Frank Card Bourne, The
Works of the lulio-Claudians and Flavians (Princeton
1946), with Blocn’s criticism AJP LXX too. For

the later history of the building cf, Eva Tea, La
basilica di Santa Maria Antigua (Milan 1937. In the
Pubblirazioni della Universila catolica del Saero Cuore. ser. 5,
vol. XIV).

11 Dyggve, op. cit., 5, 54 and passim.

14 De mortibus per secular um 7.

3 o AXEL BOETHIUS

to create a building such as the reception-hall of Domitian and the ceremonies
for which it was created, and which we see developed in the fourth century to
divine splendour, architecturally exemplified by the tripartite suites of
Diocletian, Constantine, and so on ? From a formal point of view I refer
again to the ius fastigii and also to the typical tripartite disposition and axiality
of the atrium and peristyle houses, inherited by the palaces of the Imperial
age. 14 If we analyse the audience-suite of the palace of Domitian on the
Palatine (not to be confused with the reception-hall at the Forum), we sec
the well-known unit of atrium, peristyle, and tablinum in every way magnified,
but keeping the main original features such as axiality, a tendency to adorn
the upper end of the hall with three doors or a niche with two flanking doors,
etc. It is evident that already these features of palace architecture had
importance for the tripartite reception-halls under discussion. But still more
important as a formative element were, in my opinion, the Imperial state
appearances in the Imperial fora. The background of these great architectural
units in Hellenised fora like that of Pompeii with its Italic axiality and its
Hellenistic porticoes is—as I have already insisted—evident. The Forum of
Caesar, where he appeared in front of the temple of Venus Genetrix, .belongs
together with his fastigium , and in both cases Italic and Greek are, from the
beginnings in the Etruscan and Hellenistic ages, fused in a way which it is
impossible to disentangle entirely. As Gjerstad very well remarks ( loc . cit. 68),
this conception was forced upon the old Forum Romanum by Caesar, when he
transferred the Rostra to its western end. They and the porticoes of the
Basilica Julia and Aemilia formed the monumental unity that had become a
standardised architectural requisite of the auctoritas of the Roman magistrates.
The same is true of the basilicas with axial disposition and a choir, such as the
basilica of Pompeii, and Vitruvius’ basilica at Fano (though with transverse,
not longitudinal, central axis, V i, 6 ff.). 15 The axiality of all these archi¬
tectural units and their offspring, the Imperial reception-halls, finally served
the requirements of the Christian cult, only that its new spiritual content
even strengthened the axiality and emphasised it by paintings or mosaics.
The altar and its tomb took the place of the Roman authorities. Return¬
ing to the Forum Romanum in its Imperial shape, I quote finally Dio Cas¬
sius’ splendid description of the function of that architectural complex
at the funeral ofPertinax (LXXIV 4, 4). Here we see all the elements: the
emperor—as in the fourth-century relief of the Forum on the Arch of
Constantine—the senators in the Forum, and their ladies in the Julian and

14 A. Boethius ‘Das Stadtbild im spatrepubli- Vitruvius’ work cf. F. Pellati, ‘ La basilica di Fano c la
kanischcn Rom , Acla irutituti romani regni Siuaae IV formazione del trattato di Vitruvio Ponlifieia auad.
[Obuttula archaeologua I, Lund 1935), 182 ff. romana di arch., Rcndiconli, vol. XXIII-XXIV (1047-

hor the latest discussion of this passage of 49), >53 ff

THE RECEPTION HALLS OF THE ROMAN EMPERORS

Aemilian porticoes: finels ol pouAevral a! ts yvvaiKEs fiucov -rrpocrri£in£v ttevOikcos
icrraAn^voi- Kal £xeivat p£v tv Tais <noai$, 5 k vrrraiepioi ^KaQe^onEQa. Here

already we see the porticoes of the Helleniscd porticoed fora, which, as a
matter of fact, could be styled large basilicae discopertae, reserved for the
ladies, as were the aisles of the Byzantine churches and the synagogues. The
tradition seems to me to be evident, and Dyggve (loc. cit. 31) is no doubt right
in assuming the same distribution of men and women in the tribunalia (or atria,
basilicae discopertae) of the Imperial reception-suites.

The reception-suite of Domitian at the Forum is, on a small scale, a building
created for the same type of festival meeting between the emperor and his
citizens as the fora. After that miniature the reception-suites of Diocletian
and Constantine represent the same idea enlarged and monumentalised.
The tribunalium or atrium becomes something of a private forum with the same
features as the public fora somewhat reduced and incorporated in the palace.
Its Roman pedigree comprehends on the one hand the tradition from the
a/nwm-peristyle houses and the palaces of Imperial Rome; on the other the
Imperial fora and their heritage from Etruscan and Hellcnised Italic piazze.

Gjerstad in his suggestive study 6 gives us a survey of axial structures from
the Near East and assumes that there prevailed direct influence from the
Hellenistic world in the Imperial fora. I lay more stress upon the older
Oriental and Hellenistic elements alive in the Roman development. There is
thus a divergence of opinion open to discussion, but both derivations agree in
connecting the axial Roman fora, basilicas, and reception-suites with the great
Oriental tradition of monumental state architecture—as I see it, not as a late
importation of ready-made forms, but deep-rooted by centuries of remoulding
by contact, renewed again and again directly or via the Hellenised towns.
Thus they are also distant relations to architectural schemes which Alan
Wace has made us understand in a new way, the courts and megara of the
palaces of Mycenae and Tiryns, or even private houses such as the ‘ House of
Columns ’, now described and analysed in his Mycenae. An Archaeological
History and Guide (Princeton, N. J. 1949). 16

Axel Boethius

14 Cf. already K. Hanell, ‘ Zur Entwicklungs- iastituti romani rtgni Sutciat II (Lund 1932), 228 ff.
geschichtc des gricchischen Tempelhofcs Acta

SPENDEKANNE AUS SAMOS

(plates 8-9)

Im Heiligtum der Hera von Samos kam eine etwa 30 cm hohe tonerne
Kanne (taf. 8) zutage, die an Nachlassigkeit der Ausfiihrung wohl nur
von wenigen dort gefundenen Geraten iiberboten wird und trotzdem zu den
bemerkenswertesten keramischen Funden des Heiligtums gehort. Ich habe
sie schon in ‘ Satyrtanzc und Friihes Drama’ (SB Bayer. Ak. d. fViss. 1943
Heft 5, 10 ff.) kurz crwahnt und dem mittleren Drittel des siebenten Jahrhun-
derts zugewicsen; sie muss noch alter sein, wie sich aus den hicr angestellten
Vergleichen zeigen wird.

Es handclt sich um eine ‘ Figurenvase um ein Gefass, das weitgehend in
cine plastische Gestalt verwandelt ist. Trotzdem konnen wir sie zunachst
einmal als gewohnliches Gefass betrachten, wenn wir bcriicksichtigen, dass,
dem figurlichen Gegenstand zuliebe, der Ausguss ticfer, in die untere Halfte
des Gefasses, gcriickt ist und dass wohl auch die besondere Abrundung der
Schultern im Zusammenhang mit der plastischen Gestalt steht. Zugrunde
liegt offenbar ein in jener Zeit seltener werdender Gefasstypus, die Spende-
kannc mit dem seitlichen Ausgussrohr. Sic ist ein Erbstiick aus dem zweiten,
ja, wenn man will, aus dem dritten Jahrtausend; besonders mit einem
biigelformigen Henkel iibcr der Mtindung war sie in spatmykenischer Zeit
sehr bclicbt gewesen und zumal auf Kypros, abcr auch auf Kreta und an
anderen Orten hatte sie in den friihcn Jahrhunderten des ersten Jahrtausends
ein Nachlcben, wobei Aufbau und Miindung verschieden variiert werden; es
geniigt, fur die spatmykenische Periode auf BSA XLII (1947), 52 Fig. 22 C,
53 f. und auf Furumark, The Mycenaean Pottery 30 f.; 34; Fig. 5, 159; Fig.
6, 155 zu verweisen, fur Kypros auf Cyprus Expedition I, Tf. 126, 132 f. und 135,
fur Kreta auf AJA 1901 Tf. IX 16; BSA XII 45, 3210/.; Annuario X-
XII 194, 212, 489, 501, fur andere Landschaften auf Tiryns I Tf. XVI 10.
Als eine dieser Variationen lasst sich die samische Kanne ansehen, und wenn
sich die Gefassform auch nicht genauer in die Entwicklung einreihen lasst,
so zeigt sich doch eine fiillige, schwcllende Bildung an, die liber die sprode
Strenge der geometrischen Form hinausfuhrt und etwa als ‘ subgeometrisch ’
bezeichnet werden darf.

Die Bemalung des Gefasskorpers fuhrt etwas weiter, wenn sic auch in ihrcr
Fluchtigkcit und Durftigkeit weit hinter den Moglichkeiten der Zeit zuriick-
bleibt. Das Gefass ist mit einem weisslichen Uberzug bedeckt, wie er in der
ostjonischen Keramik der nachgcometrischen Zeit als Malgrund iiberaus

SPENDEKANNE AUS SAMOS

beliebt ist. Auf diesen Grund sind die auf Samos so wohlbekannten locker
gesetzten breiten Reifen gemalt, zu denen grob gemalte Wellenlinicn und
Schlingenmuster kommen. Einigermassen deutlich sind die Reifen des
Bauches und eine Schlinge an der rechtcn Schulter, die den Henkelansatz
umrahmt; anderes ist zcrstort oder in der Photographic unkenntlich.
Technik und Ornamentik wiirden das Gefass nach den Erfahrungcn, die das
Studium der samischcn Keramik gebracht hat, in die erste Halfte des siebenten
Jahrhunderts verweisen. Die grossen Schlingenmuster diirfcn auch, so roh
sic sind, neben die feineren und bedeutendcrcn ahnlichen Rankengebilde dcr
Gefasse von Korinth und Athen gestellt werden. Das crgibt freilich keinen
sehr gesicherten Anhalt fur die Datierung. Das Schlingenmuster begegnet
ja noch auf attischen Gefassen des ausgehendcn siebenten Jahrhunderts,
z.B. auf der unveroffentlichten Riickseite der grossen Bauchamphora in
Agina (Kiiblcr, Altatt. Malerei Abb. 74). Aber seine eigentliche Domane ist
doch die Zeit der Jahrhundertwende und dcs ersten Drittels des siebenten
Jahrhunderts, die Zeit der korinthischen Kannen von Cuma (Johansen,
Les vases sicyoniens Tf. VI ib; 2a; Payne, Protok. Vasenmalerei Tf. 7, 2), des
Londoner Skyphos (Johansen Tf. 25, ib; Payne, Protok. Vas. Tf. 14, 4),
dcr Athener Pyxis (Payne, Protok. Vas. Tf. 8), der friihattischen Hydria Vlastos
(BSA XXXV Tf. 44, Kiibler Abb. 9), der Berliner Halsamphora (CVA
Berlin Tf. 41), dcr Kanne und des Kraterfragments vom Kerameikos ( AA
1934, 215; Kiibler Abb. 23; 15), dcr New Yorker Nessosamphora

[JHS 1912, 377). Wenn das samische Stuck nicht einen der verspateten
Nachlaufer darstellt, wird man ihm seinen Platz in dieser Gegend anweisen.

Die Entscheidung bringt die plastisch-figiirlichc Ausgestaltung des Ge-
fasses, wennschon auch sie mit einer geradezu erstaunlichen Nachlassigkcit
ausgefiihrt ist. Die obere Miindung ist durch einen plastischen Kopf ersetzt,
dcr ein Einfiillen an dieser Stelle vcrwehrt. AIs Henkel dienten anscheinend
zwei menschliche Armc, von denen freilich der linke ganz verloren ist.
Dieser linke bildete vielleicht nur einen einfachen Stumpf; der rechte ist
nach kurzem Ansteigen zum Ausgussrohr herabgebogen und umfasst es von
links her. Die Rohre selbst ist deutlich als mannliches Glied, mit Eichcl und
Hoden, gebildet. Ist auf die Formung und Bemalung dieser Partie einige
Sorgfalt verwendet, so ist der rechte Arm ein unartikuliertes, schlingen-
formiges Gcbildc; die Finger sind durch Ritzlinien summarisch geschieden.
Im Kopf stossen spitzzulaufender Hinterkopf und Gesichtsscheibe ziemlich
hart aufeinander, der Obergang (die Riickseite des ‘ Haarkranzes ’) ist in
groben Ziigen zurcchtgestrichen. Die spitze, gekrummte Nase springt
kraftig heraus und lasst die bciden Nasenlocher erkennen. Darunter ist
die Mimdspalte roh eingetieft. Die abstehenden Ohren heben sich kaum

34 ERNST BUSCHOR

vom Stimhaarkranz ab. Das lange Kinn ist abgebrochen; vielleicht trug es
cincn Bart. Den Gipfel der Nachlassigkcit zeigt die Anbringung der Augen:
sie sind zwar durch plastische Erhohungen angedeutet und von plastischen
halbkreisformigen Brauenbogen umrandet, aber sie sitzen unterhalb der Nasc,
etwa in Mundhohe, wobei noch dazu ihre Verbindungsachse seltsam schief
steht.

Mit seiner figurlichen Ausgestaltung tritt das samische Gcfass in eine
Gruppe von Spendekannen des ausgehenden achten und der ersten Jahr-
zehnte des siebcntcn Jahrhunderts. Drei verschiedene Arten der Verwand-
lung lasscn sich unterscheiden. An erster Stellc sei die Verwandlung des
Kannenhalses in eine Tierprotome genannt; ihr bekanntestes Beispiel ist die
parische Greifenkanne von Agina im Britischen Museum (JHS 1926 Tf. 8).
Die beiden anderen Typen bedienen sich der seitlichen, aus der Gefass-
schulter cntspringenden Ausgussrohre, und zwar verwandelt der eine von
ihncn diese Rohre selbst in ein figurliches Gebilde, in Greifen- oder Tierpro¬
tome ( Annuario X-XII 114, 148, 315, 503), der anderc belasst die Rohre als
Rohre und bildet die Miindung als Kopf. Je nachdem dieser Kopf eine
Offnung zeigt oder nicht, kann das Einfiillen des Gefasses an dieser Stelle
geschehen oder muss sich des Ausgussrohrs bedienen: der Kopf des ziemlich
zylinderformigen und abgckanteten spatgeometrischen Gefasses von Knossos
(AJA 1897, 263; Anmuirio X-XII 620; Hesperia XIV Tf. 24, 3) ist geoffnet,
wahrcnd die subgcomctrische Kanne aus Arkades, die offenbar das Bild der
festlich geschmiickten Gottin mit erhobenen Armen zugrunde legt {Annuario
X-XII 245), nur durch das Ausgussrohr gefullt werden kann. (Dieses
kretische Gefass stimmt iibrigens auch darin mit dem samischen liberein, dass
es die braucmiberwolbtcn Augen in nachlassigcr Weisc unter die Nasc her-
abriickt.) Wurde man die samische Kanne lediglich nach ihrer Formidee, als
Variation ihres Typus, beurteilen, so wurde man wohl auf die gleiche Ent-
stehungszeit raten, die auch durch Gefassform, Technik und Bemalung
nahcgelegt wird : die subgeometrische.

Zum Gluck liefert auch dcr Kopf selbst, trotz seiner grotesken Bildung und
trotz seiner rohen, erstaunlich nachlassigen Ausfiihrung, unverachtliche
Anhaltspunkte fur die Entstehung des Werkes: ja er hat seine bestimmte
Stelle in der Reihe der tonernen Votivfiguren des Heraions und damit in dcr
Entwicklung der griechischen Plastik. Setzt man in der iiblichen Weise den
bekannten Bronzekriegcr dcr Akropolis {AM 1930 Beil. 44 f.; Matz, Geschichte
der griech. Kunst I Tf. 30) ans Endc des achten Jahrhunderts and das pro-
tokorinthische Salbgcfass des Louvre mit plastischem Frauenkopf (Payne,
Necrocorinthia Tf. 1, 8-11; Tf. 47, 4-5; Pro to k. Vasenm. Tf. 22 f.; Matz Tf.
83b) in die Mitte des siebenten, so ergibt sich fur die Fiille der samischen

SPENDEKANNE AUS SAMOS

Tonfiguren der ersten Halfte dcs siebenten Jahrhunderts trotz ihrer lokalen
Eigcnschaften und handwerksmassigen Vcrschiedenhcitcn ein deutlichcr
Weg, den ihr Herausgebcr D. Ohly (AM 1940, 67 ff.; 1941, 1 ff.) schon sehr
uberzeugend und anschaulich gezeichnet hat.

Ins spate achte Jahrhundert fuhren dann einige Tonfiguren zurfick, die
die Augen als plastische Scheiben aufsetzen, diese Scheiben durchbohren oder
lebhaft bcmalcn und damit den Blick ahnlich stcigem, wie es spatgeometrische
gemalte Figuren tun. Der an Kinn und Haarkranz stark beschadigte Kopf
T 862 (taf. 9(e)), der die Augen in grossc flache und runde Mulden setzt, und
der anscheinend langbartige und mit Raubtierzahnen ausgestattete Kopf
T 780 (taf. g(b)) werden hier zum ersten Mai veroffentlicht, der vielleicht
unbartigc Kopf T 1244 (Ohly, AM 1941 Tf. 15) rciht sich an, die eindrucks-
vollen Hcrafiguren T 1243 und T 738 (Ohly Tf. 15) schcinen die Entwicklung
bis ctvva an das Jahrhundertende weiterzufuhren. Einige dieser Figuren
haben ihre Verwandten in krctischcn Tonfiguren von Vrokastro, H. Triada
und Knossos (Hall, Vrokastro 101; Annuario X-XII 618 b und c, 621 b;
Spendekanne 620 s.o.), Figuren, die teilweise auch durch das aufgemalte
Ornament (Hall 101; AJA 1897, 263) in den spatgeometrischen Kreis ver-
wiesen werden; auch die Beziehungen der beiden Herafiguren T 1243 und
T 738 zur Stufc des Akropoliskriegers und des amyklaischen Apollokopfes
(AM 1930 Beil. 44 f., 42 f.; Matz Tf. 30 f.) liegen am Tag.

Aus dieser sproden, korperlosen, phantastischen Figurenwelt erheben
sich—wie wir annehmen: um die Jahrhundertwcnde—neue Gestalten, die
die geometrische Grundform mit quellendem Leben durchdringen. Der
behelmte Kopf T 62 (Ohly Tf. 12), der in der Maltechnik mit unserer Spende¬
kanne iibereinstimmt, geht fiber den amyklaischen hinaus. Noch deutlicher
ist die Abrundung und Auswolbung der Formen an dem Herakopf T 36
(Ohly Tf. 12) und dem bisher unveroffentlichten Kopf T 493 (taf. 9(a), (r)).
Der Herakopf mit dem spatgeometrischen Halsschmuck lasst die Augen mit
gewolbten Kuppen heraustreten und die Nase mit den Brauenbogen zu einer
plastischen 1 Arkade ’ verschmelzen, die im ersten Viertel des siebenten
Jahrhunderts in verschiedcnen Landschaften, besondcrs in der Peloponnes,
begegnet. Etwas Ahnliches zeigt der Kopf T 493, der auch zu einer deut-
lichen Auspragung des Hinterhauptes iibergeht und damit Bildungen wie die
des spateren Kopfes T 230 (Ohly Tf. 17) vorbcreitet. Das Kopfprofil
unserer Spendekanne steht eher auf der alteren als auf der jfingeren Stufe;
auch die Augenbildung und Augenumrahmung wird man an den genannten
drei Kopfen T 62, T 36, T 493 verwandt finden. (Als ausserliche Ober-
einstimmung mit T 493 sei die nachlassige Tiefstellung der Augen vermerkt,
die schon an dem gcometrischen Kopf T 341, Ohly Tf. 2, einen Vorlaufer

ERNST BUSCHOR

hat.) Wie die formklarere peloponnesische Kunst sich in der gleichen Zeit
und aus dicscr Tradition heraus noch spatcr aussert, konncn wohl die korin-
thischen Kopfgefasse in Mainz, in Erlangen und im Vatikan (taf. 9(</), (f);
Schumacher-Feslschrift 199 f.; Maximova, Vases plastiques Tf. 43, 162), die
grossen tonernen Gorgokopfe aus Tiryns (Hampe, Sagenbilder Tf. 42; Karo,
Fiihrer durch Tiryns , 2 Aufl. 47; Matz Tf. 57b), vor allem aber die uberlcgene
Kessclprotome von der Akropolis {AM 1930 Beil. 46; 1941 Tf. 23; Matz Tf.
58a) erweisen.

Auf Samos spiegcln der Herakopf T 396 und die beiden Geratprotomen
T 395 und T 1147 (Ohly Tf. 14 f.; Aj. 1933, 256; JHS T933, 287 ; Matz Tf.
36) einc neue Welle grosser Phantasic und erregtcr Visioncn, die offenbar
driiben in Korinth und Argos starker von der Form gebandigt wird. Gegen-
iiber dem HerakopfT 36 zeigen schon Halsschmuck, Ornamentik und Maltech-
nik eine neue Phase an; das Gleiche tun die ausladenden, gleichsam liber die
Ufer flicssenden Gesichtsformen, vor allem auch der machtig gesteigerte
Blick, der aus Ianglichcn, stark gewolbten und stark umranderten Augapfeln
hervorbricht. Der Gesamteindruck bringt die genannten korinthischen
Figurenvasen und Tirynther Gorgonenkopfe, aber auch unsere Spendekanne
in Erinnerung, und man wird diese Kanne nicht deswegen spatcr ansctzen
wollcn, weil sie mit Wellen und Schlingen statt mit Quadraten und Rauten
verziert ist: das Nachleben der Teppichmuster ist nicht nur in Ostjonien etwas
durchaus Gewohnliches. Als korinthische Tonfigur scheint der Kopf aus
Perachora (Payne, Perachora I Tf. 87, 1) in diescn Zusammenhang zu gehoren,
ein bedeutsames Werk, eher des ersten als des zweiten Jahrhundertviertels;
die Elfenbeinsphinx von Perachora [JHS 1932 Tf. 10; Matz Tf. 65a) geht in
Gesichtsformen und weicher Haarbildung jedenfalls einen Schritt liber ihn
hinaus.

Neben der erregten Gruppe der Kopfe T 396, T 395, T 1147, in denen
geometrische Phantasiekraft noch einmal aufbaumt, ncuc organische Korper-
fiille mit Macht durchbricht, mogen gemassigtere entstanden sein. Jedenfalls
stehen einige Werke mit ihr in deutlichem Zusammenhang, in denen das
Obermass abklingt, eine schmiegsamere Bildung der Korperteile einsetzt. So
legt die Herafigur T 1074 + 9°6 (Ohly Tf. ig) dcr Hinterkopfbildung noch
kantige Formcn wie an T 493 (taf. 9 (a), (c)) zugrunde, stattet sie aber mit
wcicherer Fiille aus; an dem bartigen Kopf T 230 (Ohly Tf. 17) ist das kan¬
tige Profil durch eine dem Schadel folgende, weichgcschwellte Kurve ersetzt;
der Kopf T 322 (Ohly Tf. 20 f.) macht das Haupthaar zur geschmeidigen
Kappc, der Kopf T 715 (Ohly Tf. 20) lost cs in lockere Einzelstrahnen auf.
Es handelt sich gewiss nicht urn eine geradlinige Reihe von Haardarstellungen,
aber doch urn eine sinnvollc Gesamtentwicklung, die das Erbe der geometri-

SPENDEKANNE AUS SAMOS

schen Kunst in alien Landschaften stufenweise iibcrwindet. Versucht man,
das Kopf- und Haarprofil unserer Spcndekanne als Glied dieser Entwicklung
zu verstehen, so wird man eher in die Zeit von T 493 (taf. 9(a), (c)) und T 1074
+ 9°^ (Ohly Tf. 19) als in die Zeit von T 230 (Ohly Tf. 17) und T 322 (Ohly
Tf. 20 f.) gefiihrt. Doch wird man bei der Nachlassigkeit der Ausfiihrung
noch weitere Umschau halten miissen.

Nimmt man an, dass mit den peloponnesischen Kesselprotomen Olympia
—Boston (Jdl 1937, Olympiabericht Abb. 34, 36, 38, Tf. 21; Matz Tf 59)
und Delphi (Delphes V Tf 13, 3; Kunze, Kret. Bronzereliefs Tf. 56c; Matz Tf.
57a) das dritte Jahrzehnt erreicht ist, so ist in dieser Zeit nicht nur fur die
Ausbildung des Schadels und der Haarkappe cine fortschritdiche Formel
gefunden, sondern auch dem ‘ dadalidischen Stil ’ schon in bedeutsamer
neucr Ordnung vorgearbeitet. Auf samischer Seite ist hier der Kopf T 361
(Ohly Tf. 24) von Wichtigkeit, der nach seiner Fundlage dem zweiten
Hekatompedos vorangeht; Profil und Haarfuhrung erinnern etwa an die
Gottin vom spartanischen Menelaion (BSA 1908-9 Tf. 10; Matz Tf. 62).
Der Wcg ist nicht weit zu der Hcrafigur mit dem Schlingenmuster T 393
(Ohly Tf. 22 f.), die im schmiegsamen Fall des Haupthaars weitgehend mit
den geritzten Kriegern des zweiten Hekatompedos (AM 1933, 173; Ohly Tf.
23) iibereinstimmt; die Umrahmung des Gesichts durch das seitliche Haar
nimmt allmahlich das ‘ dadalidische * Gleichgewicht an, die lockeren
Einzclstrahnen sind aufgemalt. Dass sich um die Briiste dieser Gottin ein
ahnlichcs Schlingenmuster legt wie um den Henkelansatz unserer Spcnde¬
kanne, kann kaum zur zeitlichen Glcichsetzung vcrfiihren; die lange Lebens-
daucr des Motivs lasst allzugrossen Spielraum.

Es folgen dann, etwa zwischen 675 und 665 entstanden, die reichbemalte
Gottin von Sparta (BSA XXXIII Tf. 7; Matz Tf. 65b), die in Athen (BCH •
1937 Tf. 26, 1 und 2) und schliesslich die von Samos mit dem schragen
Mantelchen T 387 (Ohly Tf. 25), die man sich schon als wiirdige Insassin des
rcifen zweiten Tempelbaues vorstellen kann; man darf sie vielleicht neben
die genanntc Elfenbeinsphinx von Perachora stellen. Neben die Sphinx-
figuren vom Kerameikos (AA 1933, 271; Matz Tf. 71) tritt dann, etwa um
660, die Geratprotome eines Mannes mit lockeren Haarstrahnen (AA 1933,
254; JHS 1933, 289; Ohly Tf. 28; Matz Tf. 90b); der Durchbruch zum
volldadalidischen Stil, den diesc Werke anbahnen, ist in dem Kopfgefass von
Kamiros (Maximova Tf. 30, 112; JHS 1949 Tf. 12 a, b) und vor allcm in der
schonen Herafigur T 723 + 748 (Ohly Tf. 26 f.; Matz Tf. 95) vollzogen.

Es ist deutlich genug, dass unsere Spcndekanne, selbst als zweitrangiger
Nachzugler, nicht in dieser monumentalen Umgebung, neben den Hera-
figuren T 387 und T 723, ihre Stellc haben kann. Ein Ansatz ins mittlcre

ERNST BUSCHOR

Jahrhundcrtdrittel scheint nicht moglich; allc Vcrgleiche fiihrcn eher ins
erste als ins zweite Jahrhundertviertel, ja eher in die Jahre um 690 als in die
um 680.

Der friihe Ansatz der Spendekanne ist fur die Kunstmythologie von einer
gewissen Bcdcutung, da das dargestellte Wesen sich mit grosser Bestimmtheit
benennen lasst. Man wird zwar angesichts vielcr Kopfe, ja auch ganzer
Figuren dieser Zeit im Zweifel bleibcn miissen, ob ein Mann oder einc Frau,
ein Gott oder ein damonisches Wildniswesen gemeint ist, und man wird wohl
manches, was uns grotesk oder fratzenhaft anmutct, mit grosser Vorsicht
beurteilen miissen. Wer wiirdc es wagen, den Kopf unserer Spendekanne
oder den der altcren Spendekanne von Knossos (Annuario X-XII 620) mit
Bestimmtheit aus dem hoheren gottlichen Bcreich auszuschliessen ? Aber der
ithyphallische Charaktcr und der betonende Gestus der rechten Hand
schliessen in unserem Fall jeden Zweifel an der Deutung auf ein Wesen der
niederen Mythologie aus; ja es kann sich nur um eincn Satyros handeln, um
eines der im siebenten und sechsten Jahrhundert zu Tausenden verfertigten
Bildcr dcr menschengestaltigen fiilligen Damonen, die spater auf der ganzen
Linic durch die Silcnsbilder abgelost wurden. Ich habe in ‘ Satyrtanze und
Friihes Drama ’ im Anschluss an andere zu zeigen versucht, dass es sich bei
diesen Tausenden von Darstellungen nicht um menschliche * Civilpersonen
auch nicht um unbenennbare oder unbckannte mythologische Wesen, son-
dern eben um die Satyroi handclt. Ganz offenbar ist der Damon unserer
Spendekanne ein Vorlaufer der hockenden fiilligen Gestalten, in die sich
protokorinthische und korinthische Salbgefasse so haufig verwandcln (Payne,
Necrocorinthia 180; Buschor ‘Satyrtanze’ 10-12). Sieht man von dem un-
sicheren Tiertrager des Louvre (CVA III Cc Tf. 1, 1-3) ab, der noch dem
* ersten Jahrhundertdrittel angehorcn diirfte, so setzt die Reihe im mittleren ein
mit einem Hockenden des Britischen Museums (94.7-18.3), den ich
(‘ Satyrtanze ’ 10 und 11) aufGrund einer falschen, mir zugekommenen Notiz
irrig als rhodisches Fundstiick bezeichnet habe. Dieser Satyros, den ich mit
giitiger Erlaubnis des Britischen Museums hier (abb.) veroffentlichen darf,
ist nach freundlieher Mitteilung von R. J. Hopper 5, 8 cm hoch und aus dem
bekannten hellgelblich-griinen korinthischen Ton verfertigt. Der Kopf
zeigt das Mundungsloch, ein Loch in dcr Standflache schcint antik, zwei
Schnurlocher durchbohren die Ellbogengegend; die verlorenen Beine des
Hockers waren offenbar besonders angesetzt gewesen, Kopf und Brust-
muskeln scheinen freihandig modelliert, Fingertrennung, Stirnhaar und
langwcllige Strahncn auf dem Scitenhaar sind eingeritzt. Um das Miin-
dungsloch war Stabmuster gemalt, darunter Zungenmuster, in Schulterhohe
Zickzack; auf der Riickseite des Korpcrs erscheinen zwei kaum mehr kennt-

SPENDEKANNE AUS SAMOS

lichc Tierfricse, im obcren ist cine unregelmassigc Rosette feststellbar. Der
Kopf, der. wie der Korper deii dicklichcn Damon bezeichnet, weist am
ehesten aufdas zvveite Jahrhundertviertel, auch die Haardarstellung und das
Schuppenmuster des behaartcn Leibcs sind hier verstandlich, strenge Haltung
und Art der Aufhangung gehen den friihen Hockern in Miinchen, Paris und
Rhodos (‘ Satyrtanze ’ io) sichtlich voraus. Selbst wenn das Stiick im dritten

.Salbgefass, B.M. 94.7-18.3.

Jahrhundertviertel ausgefiihrt ware, wiirde es sich an die Spitze der langcn
Reihe plastischcr und gemalter koririthischer Satyroi stellen, als erster plas-
tischer Nachfolger des Damons unsercr Spendekannc zu gelten haben.

Abcr auch ohne den Londoner Satyros steht der samische in der Friihzeit
keineswegs vereinzelt; er hat auf dem Gebiet dcr Vasenmalerei (worauf mich
F. Brommer, E. Froeschle, E. Kunzc aufmerksam machten) unverkennbare
Briider. Einc kcgelformige naxische Kanne aus Delos (Dllos XVII Tf. 9, 4)
zeigt den Tanzer mit herausgerccktem Hintertcil und nach hinten gefuhrter
Hand. Auf einem Amphorenbruchstiick aus Agina (AM 1897, 308) erscheint
ein Tanzer mit angezogenem Unterschenkel, der in unzweideutiger Wcise an
spatcre korinthische und attische Satyroi erinnert (‘ Fersenzieher ‘ Satyr-

ERNST BUSCHOR

tanze’ 27, Abb. 28; Payne, Necrocorinthia Tf. 33, 9; Jdl 1890, 244). Man
darf hier wohl den lebhaft bewegten Mann der friihattischen New Yorker
Nessosamphora (JHS 1912 Tf. 12) und die mit Steinen um sich werfenden
groteskcn Damonen der Berliner Aigisthosamphora (CVA Berlin I Tf 19-21)
anschliessen. Mit einigen dieser gemalten Satyroi kommt man nahe an die
samische Kanne heran, und wenn die knossische Spendekanne schon das gleichc
Wescn bedeutet hat, so ist der samische Satyros vollcnds aus seiner isolierten
Stellung befreit. Zusammen mit den Tirynther Gorgonenkopfen (die
vielleicht in unserem samischen Kopfchen taf. g(b) einen kleinformatigen
Vorlaufer habcn) brachten diese ungefiigcn Tonfiguren, aus der gewaltigen
Erregung ihrer Zeit heraus, die ersten plastischen Damoncnbilder zur
Erschcinung.

Hat so die samische Kanne, gleichsam schon als Museumsstiick, einen
bedeutsamen Platz in der Reihe derFigurenvasen und der Gotterdarstellungen,
eingenommen, so wird diese Bedeutung erst ins rechte Licht gcsetzt durch
ihre Vcrwendung im Heiligtum; sowohl die auffallige Bildung als die nach-
lassige Technik wird erlautert. Die Kanne war wcder ein Kultgcrat im
Altardienst der Gottin, noch eine Votivgabe, die die Schatze der Gottin
vermehren sollte. Sie ist offenbar mit einer ganzen Gruppe ahnlicher
Gefasse zum vorubcrgehenden kultlichen Gebrauch hergestellt und nach
Vollzug der beabsichtigten Riten dem Heiligtum belassen, aber dem Auge
entzogen worden. Sie gleicht darin bis zu einem gewissen Grad den viclen
tauscnd im Heiligtum der Hera verblicbenen unbemalten Gefassen, die dem
Gebrauch der Pilger bei den Jahresfestcn dienten, von den abziehenden
Besuchem im Heiligtum zuriickgelassen wurden und dort sich zu Scherben-
hiigeln aufhauften, Doch setzt eine Verwendung ganz besonderer Art unsere
Kanne gegen den ‘ Pilgerschutt ’ der Jahresfeste ab. Uber diese Verwendung
gab die Auffindung einige Anhaltspunkte. Die Fundstelle ist merkwiirdig
gcnug. Sie liegt etwa 75 m sudlich von der Osthalftc des daWligen Hera-
tempels, des ersten Ringhallentempels, ist also erheblich von den Statten des
damaligen Kultes entfernt. Nach allem, was wir wissen, war der Altar jener
Zeit ( Altar \ AM 1933, 163 Abb. 15) mit dem Tempel durch einen
Pflasterweg verbunden, ein zweiter Weg scheint nach S.O., in die Gegend der
kultlichen Badestellc des Herabildes gcfuhrt zu haben; der Kanal, der durch
den Tempelvorplatz fiihrt (AM 1933, M Abb. 16), gehort en>t in die Zeit
des zweiten Hekatompedos, die kultlichen Anlagen im Siidteil des Heiligtums
werden erst aus der Folgezeit stammen. Wenn nun auch die Fundstelle des
Gefasses erheblich von alien uns fur jene Zeit bekannten Gebauden und
Kultplatzen entfernt liegt, so ist die Kanne doch nicht etwa nachtraglich an
diesen Ort verschleppt worden. Sie fand sich aufrecht in die scherbenlosc

SPENDEKANNE AUS SAMOS

Schwemmschicht vergraben, die damals schon unter der Oberflache lag, und
zwar in betrachtlicher Tiefe, mit einer Stcinplattc als Untcrlage (Unterseite
— 50). Der Schluss ist unabweislich, dass die Kanne, nach einer mit ihr
vollzogcnen rituellen Spende, hier vergraben wurde. Man darf viclleicht
an eine Erweiterung des Heiligtums, an eine neuc Grenzsetzung im Suden
denken, die an einer Reihc von Punkten auf diese Art vollzogen wurde. Da
die Fundstelle unter dem Imbrasosbett liegt, 12 m. s.o. der S. W. Ecke der
langen Siidhalle, genau in der westlichen Verlangerung des Siidrandes des
Pflastervierecks (AM 1933 Beil. 48), dicht westlich der hoher liegenden
Ufermauer (Oberflache hier +94), so ware zu iibcrlcgen, ob nicht die Ein-
beziehung des Flusses in diese Gegend den Anlass. zu den Spenden und
unterirdischen Malsetzungen gegeben hat. Es ist ja vorlaufig noch nicht
auszumachen, wann der Imbrasos erstmalig diese Gegend durchfloss.
Scherbenfunde schienen (AM 1930, 8) darauf hinzudeuten, dass er schon
in geometrischer Zeit hier seinen Lauf nahm, aber es ist auch durchaus
moglich, dass sich dies erst in subgeometrischcr Zeit, in der Zeit unserer Kanne
vollzog; andererseits ist es wahrscheinlich, dass der Imbrasosregulicrung des
mittleren siebenten Jahrhunderts (AM 1930, 21, 25 fF.; 1933 Beil. 48) schon
ein alterer Flusslauf vorausging. Mag die Kanne nun unter dem ncu
herangezogenen Flusslauf odcr unter einer anderen Grenzlinie vergraben
worden sein: die fliichtige Ausfuhrung des Kultgcfasscs wurde sich wohl
durch eine Serienherstellung, die Serienherstellung und Vergrabung wohl
durch eine Grcnzmalsctzung am einfachsten erklarcn.

Die Wahl des Satyros fur das magische Wachteramt hat gewiss in dieser
Zeit nichts AufFalliges. Der kraftgefullte und kraftspendende Damon ist der
Trager der glcichen ungcbrochenen Wildniskrafte, die in jener Zeit auch in
den Bildcrn der Raubtiere und Fabelwesen zum Ausdruck kommen, alle
Heiligtiimer und Graber, alle Bauten und Gerate mit ubcrmenschlichcn
Kraften begaben. Niemals scheinen diese Krafte von den Griechen so
unmittclbar, so gewaltig empfunden und dargcstellt worden zu sein wie in
den friihen Jahrzehnten des siebenten Jahrhunderts, in der Zeit unserer
Kanne.

Ernst Buschor

DE L’OKIGINE DU PRISME TRIANGULAIRE DANS LA

GLYPTIQUE MINOENNE

L’une des formes les plus frequentes—et la plus originale a coup sur—de
la premiere glyptique cretoise est celle du prisme k trois faces decordes de
motifs omementaux ou de signes hieroglyphiques. 1 Comme l’abondance
des specimens de ce type correspond a une absence complete du type
cylindrique, 2 si familier aux civilisations de la Mesopotamie, on a pu penser
que Pun se substituait k l’autre, derivait de l’autre. ‘ Le gout erdtois *,
a-t-on dit, 3 ‘ rdpugnait a la decoration des frises indefiniment prolongees;
shot que Ton eut transformc le cylindre cn un corps k aretes vives et morcele
sa surface laterale cn une suite de facettes, Partisan cretois fut libre de les
omer comme des unites inddpendantes les unes des autres.’ II est vrai que
l’Ashmolean Museum k Oxford possdde un prisme hexagonal, 4 decord sur
ses six faces de hieroglyphes minoens, qui pourrait faire la transition entre le
cylindre et le prisme k trois faces; mais j’ai peine a croire que le cylindre
que les Cretois n’imiterent que fort tardivement et qui fonctionnait k la
fagon d’un rouleau et non, comme le prisme a trois faces, a la fagon d’un
cachet, ait pu donner naissance a ce dernier; jc doute que le Stempsiegel soit
issu d’un Rollsiegel . 5

Les relations dtroites entre la glyptique minoenne et la glyptique de
l’Asie Mineure, 6 ou le Stempsiegel, de forme animale ou geometrique, connut
autant et meme plus de vogue que le cylindre, orientent dans une autre
direction. 7 Le cachet anatolien se presente volontiers sous la forme d’un
prisme aplati cn forme de fronton dont la surface de base, plus large que les

1 Sur cettc categoric de gemmes crtioises, cf Evans,
Prae-Phoenidan Script, dans JUS 1804, 288; Scripts
Minoc, 134 et 130; Chapouthier, dans BCH 19.16,
80-81; Agnes Xcnaki, dans Kredka Cbonika III,
60 sqq.; Mat*, Frichbedscht S'ugtl, 101.

• Siir le cylindre cn Crete au Min. Rec. Ill, if.
Evans, PM IV, ii, 496-499; Chapouthier dans AE
• 937 . 321-324; Nilsson, Mincan-Mycenaean Rtligio? 1*,
38*, n. 60; Frankfort, Cylinder Seals, 300-304.

' Matz, Fruhkretische Siegel, 101. Evans constatant
que certains prismes cretois sont de formes asscz
grossieres, avail pu penser que le type avail (ti
suggtfre aux Minoens par certains Eclats naturcls de
Stdatite, cf. Further Discoveries, dans JHS 1897, 330
‘ Th c trilateral bead-seals originate from more or less
natural triangular splinters of steatite’; je ne crois
pas que 1’hypotWse soit 4 retenir.

4 In6dit, provient de la collection Evans; Sir John

Myres doit le faire connaitre sous peu.

4 L’hypoth^se semblc pourtant avoir it 6 rctenuc

par Evans, non point a propos des prismes cretois,
mais a propos d’un prisme dgyptien cn steatite de la
premitre ptriode intermtdiaire, cf. JHS 1897, 363
' The elongated type, with large central perforation,
shows such an approximation to the cylinder that some
influence from that type of signet might reasonably
be suspected ’; mais il s’agit 14 d’un type un peu
different, et, meme cn ce cas, la derivation proposte
me semble fort probKmatique. ,

• Pour les types de lorme animale, cf. Matz
Friihkrel. Siegel, 28-29, 269-270; Demargne, Crlte,
Egypte, Asie, dans Annales de Cand, II, 53; pour les
types gtometriques, Matz, ot>. cit., 100 ? Unter den
nicht figurlichen krctischen hormcn gibt c$ keine, die
sich nient ohne Schwierigkeit auf cine dcr hittitischen
zunickfuhren lasst

? La derivation semble avoir ett entrevuc par G.
Contenau, Glyptique syro-hittite, 178, n. 1; mais on ne
disposait pas alors des specimens intermediaires.

LE PRISME TRIANGULAIRE DANS LA GLYPTIQUE MINOENNE 43

deux rectangles des rampants, est seule ornee d’un motif incise (fig. i). 8 Ce
type, frequent dans la Syrie du Nord et en Cappadoce, attcste des les debuts
de l’cmpire hittite, peut remonter a la fin du IIP millenaire. 9 Un cachet

Fig. 3.—Cachet minoen A trois faces (Platanos).

cretois, r&emment publie, qui provient du site dc M'allia (fig. 2), 10 presente
exactement la meme forme, mais cette fois le decor ne se limite pas a la surface
de base; des motifs couvrcnt egalement les deux rectangles du fronton. On

* D’apris Hogarth, Hittile Seals, 19, fig. 8 B\ tf. en
outre, Contcnau, Glyptique syro-hiltilc, pi. X, 46;
Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce , 161, fig. 146 ct 147;
Delaporte, Catalogue des Cylindres orientaux du Music du
Louvre, II, A 1170. Cc dernier cxcmplaire est donni
comme chypriotc; s’il en dtait ainsi nous posidcrions
un jalon intermidiaire sur la route de la Syrie vers
l’Egic; raais jc doute de l’attribution. Un cachet
critois inidit de la collection Giamalakis (n° 30x3)
prisente cette mime forme, mais le canal de suspension
est perpendiculairc A l’axe dc la pierre.

• Cf. Hogarth, op. cit. 100 ‘ This (the gable) I regard

as the earliest Hittite form of stamp-seal’, ct 94;
Contcnau, op. cit. 149. ‘ Nous pouvons les dater
gross0 modo de la prcmiire moitii du troisi*mc mille-
nairc’; mais cette dcmicrc date me parait trop
ilevie. Des cachets de cette forme ont iti trouvds a
Alishar Huyuk a un niveau intermidiaire entre I’age du
cuivrc ct le premier age du bronze, tf. notamxncnt c
1225 dans Alishar Huyuk, Seasons of 1930-19$!/ I 183 et
fig. 186; on peut les dater du dernier tiers du III'
millinaire.

10 D’apris Dcmargne, dans Melanges Vussaud, 122,
fig. 1.

FERNAND CHAPOUTHIER

con^oit aisemcnt que sitot que les trois faces furent decorees, elles tendirent
k devenir egales; sans parler des sujets qui pouvaient etre d’egale importance,
il ressort que I’incgalite des cotes pr&entait pour l’utilisation des faces
secondaires, un enorme inconvenient: le sceau sc trouvait desequilibre et
difficile k appuyer sur une surface. Un cachet triangulaire de la Messara
(fig. 3) 11 conserve une face principale, mais le toit du fronton est d 6 ]k
notablcmcnt relcve. II suffit de l’exhausser encore pour rendre la section
equilaterale et aboutir au type qui caracterise le mieux la glyptique insulaire
a l’epoque des premiers palais. 12

L’origine anatolienne rend compte en mcme temps de la zone de diffusion
du prisme triangulaire. Sans doute Tart cretois Fa-t-il employ 6 avec une
particuliere complaisance. Mais on le trouve ailleurs; 13 un cachet de la
troisieme civilisation de Anau dans le Turkestan 14 semble un proche parent
des pierres minoennes; mais les motifs qui decorcnt ses trois faces sont de
style ‘ hitdte ’ et Ton ne saurait imagincr un lien direct entre l’£gee et la
Caspienne; le foyer est a mi-chemin : en Cappadoce.

Fernand Chapouthier

” D’apres Xanthoudides, The vaulted Tombs of 14 Publication du cachet par Hubert Schinidt, dans
Mesard, pi. XIV, no. 1079 eI P* 1 ' 4 . & la Tholos B de Pumpelly, Explorations in Turkestan, I, 41, to; 45, 8 ;
Platanos; datd du Minoen Moycn I, en ivoirc. fig. 400 et p. 169; commentaire, 182-183; les trois

** On en arrive mime occasionnellement k la forme faces sont tl£cor£es d’un lion, d’un homme et d’un
d’xm fronton a angle aigu dont la surface la plus griffon. L'attribution k l’Asie Mineure est proposcc
exigiie est celle de la base, cf. Kredka Chronika III 68, par Schmidt, approuvi par Hubert, RA 1910, I, 307
n ®- 23 . et par Frankfort, Studies in the pottery of the Mar East,

” Voir dijk plus haut la note 5. I, 81-82.

A GEOMETRIC AMPHORA AND GOLD BAND

(plate io)

Among the most interesting discoveries of the post-war years in Attica
are a Late Geometric amphora and an impressed gold head-band; they are

Amphora in Stathatou Collection, Athens.

reported to have been found, the band inside the amphora, near Koropi in
the Mesogaia, and were acquired together by Mrs. Helen Stathatou, who has
graciously consented to my making them more widely known in this tribute

46 JOHN COOK

to the master of Greek archaeology for whom both she and I have so high a
regard. Each is a first-rate piece in itself, and the discovery of the two in one
burial gives an added interest to the pair.

late geometric amphora (fig., p. 45 ). Normal Attic Geometric ware,
with dark brown or black glaze. Ht. o*6o m. Diameter at mouth 0*235 m -
Plastic snakes, with two rows of white dots, on lip, shoulder, and handles; the
head of the snake on the lip dips down inside the neck of the vase. The glaze
is faded on side A, so that the drawing on the neck-panel can no longer be
followed in all its details.

Neck, A. Prothcsis: corpse (probably male) in long robe laid out on four¬
legged bier; on either side a pair of female mourners, the inner ones with one
hand extended in addressing the dead; two figures seated on the floor under
the bier. B. Six mourners. Shoulder , A and B. Four stooping deer. Main
zone on belly. Seven one-horse chariots. Ij)wer band on belly. Eleven stoop¬
ing deer. The charioteers in the main zone are unaccompanied, with one
exception (on the right in fig., p. 45) where a man (apparently helmeted
since there is a faint trace of a crest fluttering over his long hair) is shown
stepping with a long stride into the car. The man’s right hand reaches out
on to the crown of the driver’s head, and his whole attitude seems aggressive,
while behind him the painter has set a bush or tree from whose cover the
man could be imagined as springing. In filling this space between the first
and last chariots the painter may well have had the warlike theme of ambush
in mind, though it is unlikely that he was thinking in terms of any particular
incident from the Epos such as the killing of Troilos.

The vase takes a central position in the series of Late Geometric amphorae
with figured scenes; 1 it is particularly closely related to the slighter amphora
in Toronto, 2 and dates approximately to the last quarter of the eighth century
B.C.

yellow gold band (plate 10). Length 0*335 m * Ht. 0*024 m. Tie-
holc at either end.

The strip is divided into fifteen panels. Each of the eight figured ones is
bounded by one or two squares containing geometrical lattice ornament, and
terminates on the right in a hasta which (with the exception of that grasped
by the centaur in no. 7) has prickles on the left side only. The panels are as
follows: 1. (Width o*o 18 m.) close lattice. 2. (0*028) horseman-combatant
pair. 3. (0*017) doublet kavalla. 4. (0*023) lattice. 5. (0*022)' three
pitcher-bearers. 6. (0*025) lattice. 7. (0*05) running woman, skipping
figure, three dancers, centaur. 8. (0*0185) lattice. 9. (0*017) two figures

* Cf * BSA XLI1 *46 ff- ' Robinson, Harcum, and Iliffc, 630, pi. 101.

A GEOMETRIC AMPHORA AND GOLD BAND

with arms linked, io. (0*026) horseman and man in combat. 11. (0*006)
broken lattice. 12-15 = 1 bis -4 bis. The last four panels arc exact replicas
of the first four; this can be seen particularly clearly in the peculiar opening
lattice of the series, despite the smudging of the outlines on the second run
due to the slipping of the gold strip when the design was being tapped out.

The gold bands of the Geometric era found in Greece have recently been
submitted to a careful study by W. Reichel, 3 who has drawn a sharp distinc¬
tion between the earlier class with animals (impressed on dies which he
supposes to have been imported from the Orient) and the Late Geometric
series which embraces figured scenes. In the latter series there are two bands
which are closely connected with Mrs. Stathatou’s. The Berlin band GI 309 4
is unfortunately inadequately illustrated; some, though far from all, of the
motives resemble those on Mrs. Stathatou’s band, but the measurements
given shew that they are on a slightly smaller scale. On the other hand, the
incomplete pale-gold band in Copenhagen, National Museum 741, which
consists of four fragments adding up to a length of 0*257 m., is a true com¬
panion piece to Mrs. Stathatou’s. 5 From a photograph and detailed infor¬
mation which Prof. P. J. Riis generously sent me I have no doubt that the
band in Copenhagen was impressed on the same set of dies as that in Mrs.
Stathatou’s collection: certain small points of difference, which are apparent
in the photographs and embodied in the drawings of the two bands, must
have arisen from irregularities in the stamping and subsequent creasing; for
the repetition of the same faults on both bands, as on the upper border at the
left and in the lower margin at the right in panel no. 9, can only be due to
flaws or chips on a single set of dies. The series terminated in a broken die
(no. n), whose scar is plainly visible in the middle of both bands, though at
the right end of the one in Copenhagen its traces have been almost obliterated
by overstamping on the end of an extraneous die. Since the order and align¬
ment of the panels is identical on the two bands, it is certain that the dies were
enclosed in a rigid frame; and the series may in fact have been engraved on a
single block, since the broken die at the end would hardly have been left in
position if it had been detachable. The photograph shows that the Copen¬
hagen band is less crumpled towards the right end and is therefore more
trustworthy in the rendering of most of the details of panels 7-10; it does not,
however, follow that the dies were in worse condition when Mrs. Stathatou’s
band was made.

The block, or series of dies, may have originally been conterminous with
the diadems impressed on it, in which case the series will have been about

* W. Reichel, Griuhiscfus Goldreiitf (Sekriften z. Kunsl
d. AlUrtums, d. arch. Inst., Bd. 5, Berlin 1942), § 2.

* Reichel, no. 22, pi. 5; the band is described AA

'904, 40 under inv. no. 8578.

• X£XLII (1884), pi. 9, 1; Reichel, no. 21.

JOHN COOK

8 cm. longer and have lost a figured and a lattice panel as well as the greater
part of panel no. II. At the time when the two surviving bands were made
the block had been reduced to a length of 25 cm., and in the stamping of
strips about 33 cm. long some duplication of motives was unavoidable. The
sequence of panels on Mrs. Stathatou’s band is 1-11 and 1-4. On the band
in Copenhagen the double sequence 6-11 is certain; but this would give short
measure, and in fact the remains of the figure at the right end of the largest
fragment are best matched by the first hydriophoros of panel no. 5; the sequence
6-11, 4-11 would, with the necessary adjustments, bring the Copenhagen
band to a length of just over 32 cm. From the sequence of panels one may
conjecture that the process was the same in the production of both bands; a
sheet of beaten gold about 68 cm. long was impressed twice on the whole
length of the block and on the third run over the stretch nos. 4-11; two
bands of approximately equal length were then cut from it, each bounded by
a lattice ornament so that the figured panel in the middle (no. 5) dropped out.
At two points narrow folds have formed across the strip in the beating; they
show that the direction in which the mallet was travelling was from 1 to u
on the back of the gold sheet. Faint traces of pattern above the top bounding
line on both strips suggest that the dies on the block may not have been limited
to a single register; the edges of the band seem to have been cut after the
design had been tapped out.

The later panels of the series are of course more or less familiar from the
drawing of the band in Copenhagen. On panel no. to a man on foot assaults
a helmeted horseman from behind; the horseman turns with levelled spear
to face his opponent, but too late, for the reins have already slipped from his
grasp. In panel no. 9 a man turns round towards a second figure whom he
appears to be leading by the hand; both are moving to the right; the gestures
are well suited to an abduction, but there is no clear indication that the second
hfwhe'h 6 ™* % °i n ' he nght , ° f pancl no ' 7 is a centaur facing right; he
nine^ra'r'Vr gS T™* “ archaic P air >' in g and is wielding a
fi e Of r "• gurc als0 carries a P ine branch - but is linked to a

Ho„ „ ofS T mg i CCnlaUr “ dctachm ™'- The left-hand figure

indTcated b! on a e f movcmem is that ° { ^ght; its sex seems to be

indicated by one, if not two, superimposed excrescences on the right flank

iTdtn.W' hT P "■' The , sma11 r ‘g ure in betw «n may correspond to one which

Get P ' Cd , Sk ' P r ng t0 ' he , aCCOmpanimcnt of a and handclaps on a Late
Geometric kantharos which came to light in the Dipylon cemetery at the same

Z C Z £° P S gCn K and c The remaining P ands appea/herc for Ae
first tune. No. 5 shows three figures of uncertain sex with pitchers on their

* Copenhagen 727, CVA II PI,. 73.5a-!,, 74.2-6.

A GEOMETRIC AMPHORA AND GOLD BAND 49

heads moving briskly towards a series of prongs which possibly represent the
jets of a fountain. It is remarkable that the very rare motive of pitcher-
bearers is again found on the same kantharos in Copenhagen. 7 In no. 2 a
hclmeted horseman levels his spear against a pair of opponents, one of whom
crumples up as though already smitten. The insolent group in panel no. 3 is
clear in its outlines but obscure in meaning; it seems to be an ill-conceived
parody of the warrior pair in panel no. 2. 8 Elements of these scenes could be
explained as mythological subjects; but there is, as in contemporary vase-
paintings, too little continuity of narrative to support such interpretations, and
it is in fact unlikely that we have more than anonymous extracts from daily
life and warfare. The paintings on Late Geometric vases generally preserve
a certain unity of subject': but there is no such coherence in the scenes on the
two gold bands, nor altogether on the kantharos in Copenhagen, which
seems to have drawn its inspiration from such bands. 9

Reichel recognises these figured bands as products of the Late Geometric
‘ Flachenkunst ’, in contrast to the earlier animal bands. 10 He dates the latter
to the early years of the eighth century—probably too early, since they were
found in graves with vases of the commencement of the Late Geometric style,
and one example with lions devouring a hunter belongs to the same find as the
figured band in Copenhagen. 11 In fact there can be no great interval in
time between the introduction of these two classes; for the vases with which
the figured bands Berlin GI 309 and Copenhagen 741 are associated do not
belong to the latest years of the Late Geometric style in Attica, and indicate
that such bands were already being manufactured in the third quarter of the
eighth century. 12 An earlier date for these figured bands is ruled out by the
presence of more or less fully evolved’ centaurs and horsemen, since both these
motives only made their appearance at the time when the pure Geometric
style of the Prothcsis amphorae and Dipylon kraters began to be contaminated
by external influences. 13

John Cook

band Inv. No. 741 was found in 1872 in the Geometric
cemetery just opposite the Orphanotropheion {cf.
Adi 1872, 135 ff.). It seems to be identical with the
band Adi 1872, 136 no. 3, 155 no. 3. Other objects
with the same provenance: Inv. Nos. 723 (Blinkcnberg
Fibules, 153, 171, no. VIII 5 i); 726 (CVA II pis.
72 . 43 -b, 74.1); 727 ( CVA II pis. 73 . 5 a-b, 74.2-6);
740 (AZ 1884, pi. 9.2); 742 (Blinkcnberg, Fibules, 153,
171, no. VIII 5 g.; probably identical with the fibula
Adi 1872, 136 no. a).

11 The feline hind quarters of the * centaur ’ on a
figured band from the Dipylon (C. L. Scheurleer,
Catalogue eerier Versameling no. 536, pi. 51 ; Reichel,
no. 11), as perhaps also the legless rider in panel no. to
above, suggest that the new forms were still in an
experimental stage.

’ W. Hahland ( Corolla Curlius 126) seems to suggest
that the vessels portrayed prizes in funerary contests.

* The traces of a tail in the drawing of panel 3 bis
and of an extra foreleg in panel 3 arc perhaps indicated
a shade too positively; it is impossible to be certain
that they were attached thus in the original design.

• Cf. especially Corolla Curlius 130 f., with the choice
between dissociation and allegory.

,c Op. cit. 31.

11 AZ XLII (1884), pi. 9.2. This remarkable theme
also recurs on the kantharos in Copenhagen.

11 The Berlin band is said to have been found in a
pitcher at Menidi (AA 100^, 40). The two bands in
Copenhagen were found m the Dipylon cemetery
together with the kantharos already mentioned and
other objects acquired by the same museum. Prof.
Riis has sent me the following note of the find: ‘ The

A NOTE ON THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIGLYPH

There are several explanations current about the origin of the triglyph.
First, that the frieze of triglyph and metope started from a decorative feature
of Mycenaean art and survived—invisibly to us—until eventually Doric
architecture emerged. 1 Secondly, that triglyphs are the fossilised remains of
barred wooden windows, which early Greeks needed but their successors did
not. 2 Thirdly, that triglyphs are the flattened vestiges of an upper row of
columns, abandoned by the timid masons of the seventh century. 3 Fourthly,
that the triglyph represents the end or a facing of the end of a wooden beam,
this though in all ascertainable early instances the beams run from the
course above the triglyph. 4 Fifthly, and liable to the same objection, that
the metopes were originally the ends of beams and the triglyphs bars between
them. 5 To each of these explanations—and probably to any other that has
been or can be devised—there are serious objections. But since the treatment
and the prominence of the orthodox triglyph give it an appearance of being
an important structural member and particularly one of wood, the most
popular explanation is the fourth, which derives the triglyph from the wooden
beam. If this is accepted, the argument may reasonably be pushed further.

To judge by their remains on the ground and in models, Greek temples of
the early Iron Age—at least till the end of the eighth century b.c. —were
unpretentious narrow buildings with walls of mud-brick or rubble and steep
thatched roofs.® In such buildings the cross-beams did not need to be close-
set or massive, and their ends must have been masked by the projecting
eaves that are usual with thatch. The effect, as can be inferred by observation
of traditional farm buildings in this country, has no more resemblance to the
tnglyph-metope frieze than the uprights of a wire fence to a colonnade. It
is therefore not surprising that the early models of temples show no signs of
tnglyphs, and that no contemporary metopes survive. To justify the closely

1 See most recently M. L. Bowen, BSA XLV im-
125. J

r V’SW 1 * BCH ^ 117-6?, etc. This differs
irom the fifth theory in that the windows need not be
at the level of the beams.

' P \ Zancani-Montuoro, Palladio IV a, 40-64 (1
W? M'SS Bowen). Cf. also H. Kahler, Das grixhisch
Mtupmoud, 1 t-ab.

. *. J* 1 "* no co 8 c , nc y objections that in the early
buildings there could not have been beam ends at the
iront or at comers: porches could be connected bv
beams to the end walls, and anyhow once the frieze had
been converted into a decorative feature it might well
be tidied and extended all round a building.

‘ O. M. Washburn, AJA XXIII 33-49. He use-
tolly summarises the versions of the beam end theory.

bee O. Hope Bagenal in Pnachora I 43-51. There
are advantages in Washburn’s theory that early
temples had flat roofs of unfired clay (AJA XXIII
33 - 49 )» out the evidence so far is for pitched roofs
A model from Ithaca {BSA XLII 1 , pi. 45, 600) has
chequers painted on its roof. These are not, I think,
tiles or even shingles, but the potter’s whimsical
decoration as on other fragments of the same model

YT v?t n r a i m ? dC T fr0m ■ Ar ? ivc Heraeum (AM
ALV III, pi. 7) Inappropriate decoration is common
enough in Greek Geometric art (cf. e.g. the figurines
Htspena Suppl. II, figs. 35 and 40).

A NOTE ON THE ORIGIN OF THE TRIGLYPH

5 *

spaced and sizable beams that would be required to produce recognisable
triglyphs the roof had to be of wider span and heavier material; in other
words the appearance of the triglyph should coincide with the transition to
monumental architecture and durable building materials—more particularly
to the heavy terracotta roofing tile. As it happens, some of the earliest such
tiles, or rather some of the earliest that can be dated, have been found in
association with the earliest metopes, which are also of terracotta: the
corresponding triglyphs were presumably of wood, since nothing of them
survives. The sites where these finds were made, Thermon and Calydon in
Aetolia, 7 were not in their time at the centre of Greek culture, and it is not
likely that it was there that these inventions took place. But the rarity
hitherto of similar remains elsewhere suggests that the use of timber and
terracotta for triglyph and metope was in general a transitional phase of
short duration; and indeed the temple at Thermon, datable around 630 b.c.,
is only a generation or so earlier than the earliest known temple with
entablature of stone. 8

In the many temples of the sixth century with stone entablature the
triglyph is a merely decorative feature, for the cross-beams are set higher.
Whether the Aetolian triglyphs were also decorative or were the ends of
structural beams we do not know. But if triglyphs were in origin beam
ends, the change might be explained thus: the creation of the triglyph
invited decoration of its companion the metope; to display the new frieze
properly its position in relation to the eaves had to be lowered; and since the
tradition was still fluid, lowered it promptly was.

The argument has been that the triglyph appeared—and could only have
appeared—in the phase of transition from the small chapel with thatched
roof and walls of mud-brick or rubble to the large temple with tiled roof and
generally a colonnade and walls of hewn stone, and that this transitional
phase was short in time. 9 But the triglyph was not an inevitable develop¬
ment from a beam end : at least similar primitive forms developed differently
in Ionia and in other parts of the world, and the general uniformity of the
Doric style—even in arbitrary details—tells against a gradual and
simultaneous development over a wide area. If then the peculiarity of the
Doric triglyph was not the result of a long or natural evolution, it is likely

7 For Thermon sec AD II, pis. 50-2A and lext; 62-80); the temple of Artemis, Corcyra c. 590-85
H. G. G. Payne, BSA XXVII 124-32 and Jfecro- (H. G. G. Payne, tfecrocorinthia, 24a); the temple of
eorinthia, 96 and 254. For Calydon, E. Dyggve, Das Apollo, ^ Corinth c. 540 (S. S. Weinberg, Hesperia

? According to tic (dating conventionally accepted V #I g! ^Rodenwaldt , noting the simplicity of Geometric
for Greek pottery, which is here pegged to the temples, argued that the Doric style could not have
Thucydidean date for the foundation of Sclinus. By been the outcome of a continuous architectural
the same system of chronology we have temple B, tradition; but he borrowed the triglyph from domestic
Calydon c. 610-600; the Heraeum, Olympia c. 590- building (. 4 A/XLIV, 175*84)-
80 (H. E. Searls and W. B. Dinsmoor, AJA XLlX

R. M. COOK

that it—with perhaps other features of the Doric style—was the creation of an
individual or less probably, since Greece cannot then have supported many
architects, of a small group. The date seems to be about the middle of the
seventh century. As for the locality, Corinth has the best claims on general
grounds and the style of the painting on the Aetolian metopes and of the
antefixes found with them is undeniably Corinthian. 10

Postscript . While this paper was in the press A. von Gerkan’s paper on the
origins of the Doric style appeared {Jdl LXIII/LXIV, i—13). Though I
agree with much that he writes, I do not think there is evidence for the
development of the low-pitched tiled roof from the flat mud roof in Greece
proper.

R. M. Cook

10 Cf. H. G. G. Payne, Kcaocorinthia, ch. xvii and goes with the tiled roof (AM XXXIX 168). This
especially 250 n. 3. W. Dorpfcld has argued that by use of * eagle * for ‘ pediment ’ arises presumably from
4 *t 6 s, which according to Pindar ( 0 . XIII, a 1-2) was the similarity in shape between the low pediment and
invented at Corinth, is meant the low pediment that the outstretched wings of the bird.

RECENTLY PUBLISHED COLLECTIONS OF MODERN

FOLKTALES

For two reasons I feel justified in sending this small paper to the volume of
the British School Annual to be dedicated to my friend Professor A. J. B. Wace.
From his earliest visits to Greece, from the days before the First World War
when he and I travelled together in the Greek Islands, Professor Wace,
together with his learning as an archaeologist, has always shown the most
sympathetic interest in the later and contemporary life of the Greek people.
This is one reason; the other is that I find here an opportunity to bring before
a number of readers, most of whom have travelled in Greece, a mass of freshly
published material bearing very closely on the character and ways of thought
of the Greeks as they arc now and, I believe, have been even from the days of
classical antiquity.

This is hardly the place to debate how far these stories of Modern Greece
are direct local survivals of the stories and legends of the ancient Greeks.
My own view is in most cases that when two stories are alike or seem alike
they are both of them drawn from the general stuff of folk ideas, rather than
the one descended lineally from the other. There are what I believe to be
exceptions, and I have discussed them elsewhere: here it will be enough to
say that what seems to me to have survived is not so much individual stories,
as the general character of the people : in this way I believe the stories of the
present day do cast a good deal of light on certain permanencies of the Greek
character. I turn to my subject: the recently published collections of Greek
folktales.

From the appearance of its first volume in 1913 all readers interested in
folktales have been turning for help to the vast mass of material gathered
together in Bolte and Polivka’s Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- und Hausmarchen
der Briider Grimm; this work with its fourth volume in 1930 and its fifth and
final index volume in 1932 has rightly and naturally won for itself such a
position that it is easy to forget that no resumptive work of this sort can ever
be final. Fresh material must be perpetually appearing, and this has been
especially true, in recent years, of Greece, where political troubles and
disturbances have given an ever sharper edge to the national consciousness.
It must also be noted that when the bibliography in the last volume was
printed the great spate of books which marked the period between the two
wars had hardly begun: between 1918 and 1932 Bolte and Polivka can give
only six titles.

R. M. DAWKINS

Earlier than Bolte and Polivka the only bibliography seems to have been
Gustav Meyer’s Versuch einer Bibliographie der neugriechischen Mundartenforschung ,
which appeared in 1894 as the first part of his Neugriechische Studien. Though
its intention is strictly linguistic, it yet naturally contains a great many
references to published texts of folktales, and is particularly valuable for its
full use of old and now quite unprocurable periodicals. Recently, however,
in 1949, we have had Professor Stith Thompson’s fine book, The Folktale ,
although the author is not at his best in dealing with Modern Greek. Further,
his book is all the less an adequate guide to the student as he has excluded
periodicals from his bibliographical lists, and it so happens that the most
important work on our subject has appeared in numerous periodicals,
published for the most part at Athens. Indeed the material published, often
rather obscurely, in the last thirty or forty years is by now so great that it
seems worthwhile to publish, not a full bibliography for which such a paper
as this is hardly the place, but at least the titles of some of the more important
books now available for a study which throws so much light on the character
and ways of thought of the Greek people.

Yet it is only fair to say that some doubts have been thrown on this close
connexion of folktales and national character. If the notes in Bolte and
Polivka’s book are consulted, it will appear that almost all the well-known
stories in Grimm’s collection are found diffused over more or less the whole
of the Old World from India to the furthest west: told, therefore, by people
of the most widely contrasted characters. From this Cosquin drew the infer¬
ence that folktales are of no evidential value for character, the same story
occurring in the traditions of the most widely separated peoples. 1 To this
objection it may be replied that a distinction must be drawn between the
fundamental thread or plot of the story which is the same everywhere, and in
fact constitutes its identity, and its manner of treatment and presentation,
which may vary almost indefinitely, and it is in these variations that local and
national characteristics are to be sought. For, after all, the narrator must
always mould his material into a form which will be interesting and acceptable
to his audience. This point has been dealt with at some length in a paper
I recently published with examples of these local forms of widely spread
stories; what Von Sydov has aptly called the 4 oikotypes’, the local forms,
into which any widely diffused story will quite naturally fall as it conforms
itself to national circumstances and tastes. 2

Let me give an example of a Greek oikotype of this sort. There is a
folktale spread over all the Slav world and just reaching the fringes of the
Greek area, which may conveniently be called The Greater Sinner; it has been

1 E. Cosquin, CcnUs de Lorraine, I, xxxix. * Folklore LIX (1948), 49.

RECENTLY PUBLISHED COLLECTIONS OF MODERN FOLKTALES 55

studied by N. F. Andrejev under the title of Die Legende der zwei Erzs&ndern. 3
The essence of the story is always that on a penitent sinner is imposed what
would seem to be an unending penance: pardon can never be granted to
him until a dead branch which he has planted and must assiduously tend
and water puts out leaves and blossoms; less often he is set to graze black
sheep until they turn white. While he is tending the branch or grazing the
sheep, a man comes by and behaves so rudely that the penitent turns and
kills him. Then to his astonishment he finds that his seemingly impossible
task has been fulfilled: the branch is covered with leaves or the black sheep
have turned white. A priest then explains that the man whom he has killed
in his rage was so much more grievous a sinner that ridding the earth of him
has been accepted as an atonement for all his own offences: killing this one
man has wiped out the guilt of all the ninety and nine murders which he had
previously committed. The story is in origin Slav; Andrejev holds that it
arose in the southern part of this Slav area; probably in Bulgaria. When
we ask what was the sin of this greater sinner we at once begin to see the
effect on stories of local conditions. In the numerous Slav variants—
Andrejev has collected forty—the wicked man has sometimes been a hard
landlord, sometimes a tyrannical overseer, sometimes a man who has lived on
unjust gains and profits; in one case simply a lawyer. Often he has been a
smuggler of tobacco; there arc many cases of necrophilic wickedness, in
which we may probably see a reflexion of the Slav terror of vampires, the evil
bloodsucking dead: the Greek vrykolakas who rises from his grave to prey
upon the living is certainly by origin a Slav bogy.

* Of this story of The Greater Sinner we have two versions from Thrace, into

which it seems to have strayed from the Slav area, and the difference in the
sin denounced is instructive. 4 In the Russian versions the sin is often some¬
thing which would seem far worse to the unbusiness-like Slav peasant than it
could ever be to the much sharper Greek, who would be apt to feel that no
one should allow himself to be the victim of a tyrannical overseer, still less
of a cunning lawyer: a man of intelligence should be able to look after
himself. Nor would he see so much harm in mere smuggling, and as for
necrophily, his central sanity would make such a thing too outlandish to be very
seriously considered. No; in our two Greek versions from Thrace the sin is
quite different. In one it is the purely social offence of a man who has by
slander interfered with what might otherwise have been a happy marriage,
and in the other the sinner is a man, who in that dry country, has for the sake
of a kind of blackmail cut off the water supply from a village; both of them

* Folklore Fellowship Communiealions, no. $4, ' 9 2 4 . in 4 XVII, 173, nos. 83, 84.

Vol. XVI of Folklore Fellowship Communications.

R. M. DAWKINS

have by wickedness interfered with the normal course of events in an other¬
wise well-ordered world. The fundamental story remains the same, the
unexpected pardon of the penitent, but in the nature of the Greater Sin we
see at once a direct reflexion of the very different Slav and Greek moral and
social ideas.

It appears, therefore, that the more variants we have from our chosen area
and from the cultural regions surrounding it, the more clearly we can deter¬
mine in each case the typical local form of the story; that is arrive at its
oikotype. On these points I have enlarged a good deal in a paper recently
published in Folklore , 5 and I here need say no more except that when I gave in
this paper an account of The Greater Sinner I was unaware of the Slav origin of
the story.

At once w r e see the possibilities afforded by the large increase in our
material in these recent years. It is not merely that not a few entirely fresh
stories have been printed—in fact the number of new stories is perhaps less
than might have been expected—but we now have at our disposal a vastly
greater number of variants of the same story: of few stories less than four or
five; of many a dozen or even more variants, and often from all quarters of the
Greek world.

On the books in Bolte and Polivka’s list only a few remarks are needed.
The big island of Mytilene is now well to the fore. In 1906 Anagnostou
produced his AeapioKd, with five stories in the dialect, and in the same year
Paul Kretschmer published his fine book, Der heutige lesbische Dialekt , with
twenty-nine stories from die island and one from Skopelos. In 1906 Karl
Dieterich, also working for the Balkankommission of Vienna, produced a
book on the Dodekanese, Sprache und Volksuberlieferungen der siidlichen Sporaden ,
with four stories from Kos, two from Kalymnos and two from Astypalaia:
not many in number but all long and important tales. The general quality
of the book is much inferior to that of Kretschmer and his central theory, that
the dialects and traditions of the Dodekanese form a sort of continuous series
with Crete and Cyprus at the extremes, is wholly erroneous, but the stories
themselves are good and well recorded; I have little doubt that Jacob
Zarraftis, the local scholar from Kos who collected for W. H. D. Rouse the
material for Forty-Jive Stories from the Dodekanese published by the Cambridge
Press in 1950, was right when he told me that it was he who recorded
these stories and not Dieterich himself.

In 1907 appeared the first volume of the Athenian folklore periodical
Aaoypcr<p(cx, of which the latest volume in my hands is XII; the first parts
appeared in 1938, 1939, and the concluding part in 1949: I have reason to

* Folklore LIX, 49-53.

RECENTLY PUBLISHED COLLECTIONS OF MODERN FOLKTALES 57

believe that the periodical is to continue under the editorship of Professor
Stilpon Kyriakidis of the University of Salonika. In it have appeared a great
number of stories, very notably a long series from Zakynthos, contributed by
Maria Minotou: in Vol. X thirty-one stories, and in Vol. XI another fifty-
four. Except that the stories in Bernhard Schmidt’s Neugriechische Mdrchen
come from the Ionian islands we have no other good collection from this
region. They should obviously be examined to see what connexion they
may have with the folktales of Italy, perhaps with those from Venice.

The only notable book I find missing from Boltc and Polivka’s list is the
Contes de Mycono , by Louis Roussel, published in 1929 at Leopol (Lvoff). It
contains eighty-four stories in Greek with a French translation. It seems to
have been the author’s zest for the demotic which compelled him to print
his texts in the Latin alphabet with numerous diacritic signs and to arrange
his excellent glossary not in the order of the Greek or even of the Latin
alphabet, but in a scientific order more or less that of the Sanscrit alphabet.
But those who are baffled by these refinements can always turn to the French
translations.

For the books after 1932 some further details may be given. In 1932
Dr. Mikhailidis-Nouaros, himself a Karpathian, produced his Aaoypa9u<a
avuiiEiicra KapirdOou, and in Vol. I prints fourteen tales. In 1943 Constantin
Danguitsis published in Paris his Etude descriptive du dialecte de Demirtesi , a
one-time Greek village near Brusa; it contains six tales with French trans¬
lations. In 1943 the two handsome volumes of iKupos appeared, by Madame
Niki Perdika. This is a full account of the island of Skyros, and in the second
volume twenty-seven talcs are printed; most of them good and all well told.
There are no translations, but the excellent glossary is a help towards reading
the difficult dialect. In 1946 Hubert Pernot produced at Paris the third
volume of his Etudes de linguistique nio-hellenique : he prints fifty-five tales in
Latin phonetic letters with a transcription in Greek characters. Valued by
Pernot mainly as dialect material, the texts have many of them been trans¬
cribed from phonographic records and are sometimes rather confused.
From Chios we have also the sixty tales of which English translations are in
the first volume of The Folklore of Chios i published in 1949 by Dr Philip Argcnti
and Professor H. J. Rose: they were recorded, I believe, some time before
the First World War by a scholarch of Chios, Stylianos Vios. A collection of
nineteen tales recorded somewhat earlier by another Chiote, Konstantinos
Kanellakis, has not yet been published.

In addition to these books we now have the tales published in the local
periodicals which have recently sprung up in such numbers in Greece.
Disturbances of the population and above all the removal to Greece of the

R. M. DAWKINS

Greeks of Asia Minor have notably stimulated local patriotism, so marked a
characteristic of the Greeks. Thus for Thrace we have two periodicals,
©poxixd, and ’ApytTov toD epaxixoO Aaoypa9ixo0 xal yAcoaaixoO 6 r)actupo 0 , dating
from 1928 and 1934. ©paxixa XV, XVI, and XVII contain ninety-three
tales recorded by Elpiniki Sarandi, and of the ’Apyetov Vols. V, VI, and IX
contain seventeen tales.

Like the rustic language of Cyprus the Pontic dialect of Modern Greek has
been for some time used for literary composition. From Cyprus we have a
long series of narrative ballads on village happenings, the work of the local
bards known in the island as noiTyrdpiSes, and Pontic has been used for
comedies of contemporary life; printed generally, I believe, at Trebizond,
but on account of the Turkish censorship given false imprints of Athens or
Batoum. Now since the dispersal the Greeks from Pontos have taken to
recording every detail of their old life and they have not neglected their
folktales. We have thus four periodicals dealing with Pontic matters: from
1928 ‘Apyetov n6vTov, from 1938 rTovrriaxa OuAAa, and from 1943 Xpovixcc too
T 76 vtov, all of which survived, or have survived, long enough to produce very
valuable work. To these three a fourth was added in January 1950: the
monthly rTovnaxh 'Eorla. When Gustav Meyer compiled his bibliography
in 1894 all the Pontic stories available were only the twenty-four, and some
of them very short, printed in the long extinct and now very rare periodical
‘Aottip tow rTovrou, of 1884-1886. Further, of unpublished texts there are
valuable collections of stories in the archives of the Athens Lexicon: mainly,
I believe, recorded by Valavanis at Kerasund and in the neighbouring Greek
villages.

These stories, many of them, carry us into a world new to us in the West,
yet, owing to the recent and radical change in the life of the Pontic Greeks,
historically in process of more or less rapid extinction; people still capable of
telling these stories arc, we may be sure, all of the older generation. We
know the date of their printing, but as a rule not when they were recorded;
in any case they are from the lips of people still versed in the art of telling
stories and still possessed of a copious store of tales, and thus in every way
they present a contrast to the stories from Cappadocia printed in Modern
Greek in Asia Minor. These are much broken down and for the.most part
children’s stories, the last relics of the tradition, carried on when the stories
were recorded in 1908 to 1910 only among the children and no doubt by the
older women, in small and rather poor villages, where the language was
rapidly giving way, in the more flourishing places to the common Greek of
the schools, in the poorer places where there were fewer Christians and more
Turks, to the general use of Turkish. The Pontic stories were clearly told

RECENTLY PUBLISHED COLLECTIONS OF MODERN FOLKTALES 59

by persons skilled in the art, and like many of the stories from Cyprus and the
Dodekanese, can claim to be the remains of the Hellenism of Asia Minor to
which the first blow was delivered by the advance of the Seljuk Turks, and
the final stroke has in these last years been given by the Ottomans. It is
very much to be hoped that more of these stories from Pontos have been
written down and will be published. The language is admittedly not too
easy for a reader equipped only with a knowledge of the common language
and with the usual dictionaries, and it is the more welcome that most of the
texts published have been provided with short notes and explanations of the
harder words, whether Greek or the numerous loan-words from Turkish.

From most points of view the best stories we have are as a whole those
from the Dodekanese and these from Pontos: which is, of course, not to say
that there are not scattered in other collections, notably perhaps from Skyros
and the other islands, many very good and interesting stories. The art of
the story-teller, the Trapauv 65 s or TrapanuOoO, with his methods of narration,
his artful descriptions, his often witty dialogues, and his more or less traditional
methods of carrying on the thread of the narrative and managing its
transitions: all these points are best to be seen in the stories from these two
regions. It is here also that we see the tendency of the more or less fantastic
folktale to develop into a story, we may even say a novel, of real or at least
supposedly possible life. But these considerations I have dwelt on elsewhere,
and in any case they would carry me too far. 6 What I have tried to do in
this short paper has been to introduce readers interested in the life of the
Greeks of the present day to a wide field of study which has in these recent
years been so very widely thrown open.

In a recently published article the late A. H. Krappc touched on what is
a much neglected although certainly difficult and slippery element in the
study of folktales in their relation to national character. 7 This is what he
calls the psychological side of folklore; for my present purpose I would limit
folklore to folktales. Krappe is aware of the danger of these speculations,
but while he bids his readers beware of ‘ the ill-supported and wholly unsound
fancies of Freud and his pseudo-science \ he does call our attention to what he
rather cumbrously terms ‘ the psychological processes underlying many of
the phenomenal factors of folklore This I take to mean that for a story to
have the vitality to last over long periods of time and the adaptability to make
itself welcome to peoples of so very various dispositions and ways of thought,
it must, beneath its outward dress of fantasy, contain a certain measure of
psychological truth. When we are told that a loving father shuts up his only

• In the introductory matter to my book Forty-fax edited by Maria Leach, published by Funk and Wagnall
Stories from the Dodekanese. Co.. New York, 1949, in the article Folklore and

’ Standard Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend, Mythology 407.

R. M. DAWKINS

and much loved son in a crystal tower so that the boy can know nothing of
the world outside, not even that it exists, we are not being told a through and
through absurdity; the storyteller is telling us in his own way of the too
jealous and too exclusive love of so many fathers, and that it is as much
bound to be frustrated as the boy in the tower is bound by some means or
other to escape into the world of men. .This view asks us to give only a very
slightly expanded translation of a remark I have met in a folktale, 'Av 5 sv
fyivovTo, Uv lrTccpauv0i3ovTo, If these things had not taken place y they would never
have entered into a story : that is, If these things had not been in some manner true ,
they could never have been made the material of a story. But to reach whatever of
certainty we can in this very delicate matter, it is obviously necessary that
we should know every story in its best form; know it as it has been widely
handed down, and not in any less good variant due to the freakishness or
incompetence of any single narrator. And this real, popular basis, this
national oikotype of a story, can be arrived at only by a study of as many
variants as possible. This is the great benefit we may get from the present
abundance of material: not merely have a few new stories been added, but the
old stories arc now presented with the very much greater fulness necessary
to their proper study. This is one of the reasons why I have thought it worth
while to present this rough guide to the very great resources now open to
students of this matter.

It is a futher point that this psychological validity to be found in folktales
at their best explains the well known rarity, I myself believe the non-existence,
of anything resembling a folktale being composed by any individual man
sitting by himself in his study with a pen in his hand. Those who know
folktales will easily recognise that Southey’s Three Bears , sometimes quoted
as an example of such a composition, is in fact a quite well known story,
incidentally a good deal spoiled. No play of individual fancy can make up
for the absence of that common popular feeling which is the indispensable
stimulus to the creation of a genuine folktale and the background which alone
can infuse it with the spirit of life.

R. M. Dawkins

THE ORACLE OF HERA AKRAIA AT PERACHORA

The only ancient topographer to mention the Hcraion of Perachora calls
it an oracle. Strabo’s words are: tv 8£ tu prra£u too Asyaiov vcai Flaycov t6
’AKpafas pavreiov 'Hpos CrrrfipxE to -rraXaiov. 1 Commenting on this passage

Fig. i. —Perachora, Heraion (after plan by Piet dc Jong, Perachora I, pi. 137).

A. Geometric temple. B. Limenia temple. C. Temenos wall. D. Sacred pool. E. Sixth-
centuiy temple of Hera Akraia. F. Foundations thought to belong to second temple
(Akraiall). G. Fifth-century cistern and drain. H. Hellenistic cistern. J. Hellenistic
house.

Payne says: ‘ No trace of this aspect of the cult has yet been found ’. 2 I
suggest that it has been found, though not recognised, and may explain a
puzzling feature of the site revealed by the excavation.

Below the temenos of Hera Limenia, between it and the harbour and
temple of Hera Akraia, was in the archaic period a small pool, in which
were found some two hundred bronze phialai. 3 Payne suggested that the

1 Strabo 380. * Peicchora I 19. * Ibid., iao-1.

62 T. J. DUNBABIN

waters of the pool were used for purification before entering the temenos;
and, in discussing the reason why the phialai were thrown into the pool, I
suggested that its waters may have been drawn to pour libations. 4 I wish
now to suggest another possible explanation: that the pool and the phialai
were used for divination and that the pool constituted the uovteTov.

This of course cannot be demonstrated. It is no more than a conjecture,
and before it can be received it is necessary to demonstrate two points: that
the pool might have been an oracle, and that it might be the oracle of Hera
Akraia. To take the second point first: the pool is nearer to the temenos of
Hera Limenia, at the seaward entrance to which it lies, than to the temple
of Akraia, and is associated closely with the Limenia temple. 5 But I believe
that the temple called that of Hera Limenia, because dedications to the
goddess with that epithet were found there, 6 7 was during the first two centuries
of the pool’s existence the only temple of Hera on the site. This assumption
allows the building-history to be simplified. The first, geometric, temple was
destroyed m the middle of the eighth century, its latest offerings being con¬
temporary with the earliest from the Limenia temple up the hill. It looks
as if the latter replaced the geometric temple. Payne supposed that the
geometric temple was succeeded by a second temple in the harbour area of
which a few blocks only remain.? These blocks may belong rather to some
secular building, a shelter or store-room, or to a subsidiary sacellum , and the
second temple of Akraia may be that up the hill, the so-called Limenia
temple. The site by the harbour was too narrow to build on except in one of
two ways, e.thcr by building a very small temple (the geometric temple) or
by quarrying back in order to get space for a larger building, as was done for
the third temple, built in the third quarter of the sixth century. The second
temple may, then, have been built up the hill in the eighth century, because
the site was more manageable. It was still closely associated with the
harbour; hence the name Limenia by which the goddess was addressed.
This may, however, have been not her official title, but a by-name based on
an important function The third temple, guaranteed as that of Akraia
by the inscriptions with that title found in its neighbourhood,® returned to

4 Per ache*a. I 152 f.

* See below p. 63.

4 Bronze bull dedicated by Naumachos, with inscrip,
non in Sjcyonian letters, Pentium I 136, pi. 43 , J 7 .
Inscnbed *herds of the sixth century, to be published
by Miss L. H. Jeffery in Ptrathorc II. H

7 Pauthor a I82 ft.

• A number of parallels for the title Limenia or a
i°™ 2 L""“f ™amng*re quoted in Perackora I 110
and RE XIII 570 f. But only Hera Epiiimenia at
I hasmand Aphrodite Limenia at Hermione are well
established as cult titles; the others are of poetical

use or very late. It used to be believed that the
temple, one column of which stands near the town of
Aeg.na was dedicated to Aphrodite Epiiimenia, but
Welter has shown that this was not so (AA 1038, 480).
In the inscription at Delos mentioning Hem fvlitfv.
(Peracfora I no, n. 2; see Roussel, D/los, colonie

ST 3 ? 7; "ft XVH) thc a,,ribu,ivc P^ase has
purely local significance.

• Fifth-century marble bowl and two fourth-century
78, & Pr,achoraI >P l * 7 , 2 ; 29.1-2; I 3 M- 2 ; pp.

THE ORACLE OF HERA AKRAIA AT PERACHORA . 63

the harbour area. How long the second temple stood wc do not know, but
it appears to have continued to stand after the building of the third temple.
Payne says that ‘ the votive deposit shows that the temple stood at least until
the late fifth century \ 10 Fifth-century building in the western part of the
temenos may have been undertaken after the temple had fallen into ruin;
this fifth-century work included a cistern and drain which replaced the pool. 11
So the temple and the pool seem to have been constructed at the same
period 12 and to have gone out of use together.

• This simplification of the building-history, eliminating the hypothetical
Akraia II by the harbour, may explain the poverty of dedications from the
harbour area between the geometric period and the late sixth century. 13
This will be because the objects found there were dropped by accident or
were offered at a subsidiary shrine, while the important offerings went up
the hill. Certainly," the Lirhenia temple is the centre of the cult between
the third quarter of the eighth and the third quarter of the sixth century.
The title Akraia is not witnessed during this period (the earliest recorded
use of it belongs to the fifth century), 14 but as it was brought from Argos, 15 it
must have been the cult-title from the foundation of the sanctuary in the
geometric period. It should follow that the main temple of the site during
the archaic period—the temple which immediately succeeded the geometric
temple founded from Argos—was dedicated to Hera Akraia; though the
offerings which name the goddess call her Limenia. 16 The sacred pool is
closely associated with the Limenia temple; but, if the reasoning above is
sound, the dedications naming Limenia do not exclude the possibility that
the temple and the pool were sacred to Hera Akraia.

The points about the sacred pool which require explanation are, why was
this artificial reservoir made? and, why were so many phialai thrown into
it? Both questions can be answered if this is the site of the oracle; though
this is not of course the only possible explanation. The use of water in
divination is well known. 18 The most famous example is in the oracle of
Apollo at Klaros, where the priest was inspired by drinking from a sacred

“ ibid., 121.
u Ibid., 120.
u Ibid., 92 f.

14 See n. 9. The name is used by Slrabo in the
passage quoted, and by Livy, XXXII 23; also by
Euripides, if the passage in the Medea (1378 ff.) should
indeed refer to Pcrachora rather than to Corinth, as
Payne has shown good reason to believe ( Peraehora I

S I. ; (f. R. L. Scranton, Corinth I ii, 131 ff., csp. 159 If.;
L. rage, Euripides’ Medea, xxviii).

11 See Peraehora l 22; JHS 1948, 63 f.
l * Alternative titles in private dedications are not
unusual. To give only a few examples: Artemis

Orthia at Sparta had the by-name I.imnaia or
Limnatis, derived from the location of her sanctuary
(Artemis Orthia, 400; RE III A, 1470). Archaic
dedications on the Acropolis call Athena alternatively
Pallas or, from her function, polioukhos (Raubitsehek,
Dedications from the Athenian Acropolis, Index, 527;
polioukhos, nos. 3, 53, 233). At Pcrachora, on the
stone bases found inside the Limenia temple, Hera is
addressed as Leukolenos, which is not a cult title
(Pcrachora I 258, 263).

14 M. Ninck, Du Deutung des Wassers im Kult and
Iuben der Alter (Philologus Suppl. XIV 2), 47 ff.;
W. R. Halliday, Greek Divination, 116 ff.

64 T. J. DUNBABIN

spring. 19 At Hysiai in Boeotia also there was a sacred well («ppeap) from
which people drank and then divined. 20 We are not told that a specific
shape of cup was postulated. At other sacred springs or wells the omens

Fig. 2.—Phialai as found in the Mud at the Bottom of the
Pool at Perachora.

were taken in a different way, from the sinking or floating of objects thrown
in. Such is the pool of I no at Epidauros Limera, where barley-cakes were
thrown in, and if they were swallowed down the omens were favourable. 21
Such also is the oracle of the Palici in Sicily, where a tablet was thrown into
the pool; if it floated, the words written on it were true, if not true, the

** Tac. Am. II 54; Plin. HH II 103, 232. *• Paus. IX 2, 1. « Paus. Ill 23, 8.

THE ORACLE OF HERA AKRAIA AT PERACHORA

6 5

tablet sank. 22 There are other examples in countries of the Near East. 23
This is a very simple way of drawing omens, and has in it something akin to
an ordeal. 24 Its possible application at Perachora is obvious, for while the
other objects found in the sacred pool may have been washed into it by the
rains or dropped in by accident, the bronze phialai were certainly thrown
into it. 25 The phiale would, pragmatically, be a very suitable vessel for
taking omens in this way, for with its broad flat shape it would have a fair
chance of floating when thrown in. This is not, however, sufficient reason
why so many phialai were found in the pool, and further explanation must
be sought in the known uses of the phiale.

Lecanomancy, the taking of omens by observation of the movement of
drops of oil on water in a bowl, is a science of Babylonian origin. 26 It is
described in the magical papyri of late antiquity, in some of which the phiale
is named as the vessel of lecanomancy, and the word quaXouavTEfct appears. 27
Josephus distinguishes uavTelcn Trap’ "EXXtictiv into f) 81a Xek6vt)s and i\ £v
916X13, 28 but it is not clear in what the distinction lay. Greek instances in
classical times are not certain, but a few-texts and monuments have been
interpreted in that sense. None of these is uncontroversial, as may perhaps
be expected from the very nature of the case, for neither the poets nor the
artists of classical Greece were concerned to portray clearly such obscure
magical rites.

The first is the picture inside the cup Berlin 253s, 29 in which Themis,
sitting on the Tripod and holding a phiale, is consulted by Aigeus. 30 This
scene has been interpreted as one of lecanomancy, 31 but other interpretations

” Stcph. Byz. s.v. * naXwi'i ps.-Arist. de mir. ausc. it may be worth while to record that an attempt has
57; cf. Freeman, History of Sicily I 5x7 fT. The refer- been made to derive the Palici from a Phoenician
cnce to the craters of Etna in Pans. Ill 23, 9, is no origin (I. Ldvy, RA XXXIV (1809), 256 IT.; cf. R.
doubt a confused account of the lakes or craters (as Marcus and I. J. Gelb, JNES VII (1948), 196, dis-
they are called by Diod. XI 89 and other sources) of cussing the Karatepe inscription). I am not competent
the Palici. • to discuss the philological equation on which this rests.

w The v 5 »p ZiOyiow of Dia in Arabia (Damascius, ** Perachora I 120 f.

Vila Isidori 109; cf. Hopfner, . Grieehisch-Agyptischer “See Ganszniec, RE XII >879 fT., s.v.
Offenbanmgszauber, II 114); spring of Aphrodite at 4 Xasavoticrvitia ’; Hopfner, op. cil., II 114 n.; Jastrow,
Aphaka in Lebanon (Zosim. I 58). Die Religion Babylonians und Assyrians II 749 IT.; Dclaite,

Similar offerings are made to springs at Libia La catoptromancie grecque, 8fT, 147fT; Halliday, Gruk
(Paus. X 8, 10) and Aigion (Paus. VII 24, 3) without Divination, 145 fT.

any divinatory powers being vouched for. It may be n Pap. Gr. Mag. (ed. Preisedanz) I, IV 3210 fT.
that here this aspect of the cult of the waters has faded, (cf. Ganszniec, RE XII 1883). That «hc phiale of the
Another case is the healing spring of the Amphiareion ancients is the vessel which archaeologists know* by
at Oropos (Paus. I 34, 4), where coins were thrown in that name is shown by F. Luschey, Die Phiale, 10 ft.
by those healed in consequence of an oracle. Here and Richter and Milne, Shapes and Names of Athenian
it may be that originally the throwing in of coins or Vases, 29 f. For the word ^laXoyamla see LS. 1
other precious objects constituted the consultation of ** Migne, Patrologia Graeca CVI 160 (op. Ganszniec,
the oracle: cf. Halliday, Greek Divination, 135 ff. op. cit., 1885).

Especially in the case of the lakes of the Palici and ” FR pi. 140; Beazley, ARV 739, no. 5 (Codrus

the spring of Zeus Horkios at Tyana (Philostr. Vit. Painter, e. 4^0 b.c.). Found at Vulci.

Apoll. I 6), used to detect false oaths. Compare the * c For Gaia-Themis as giver of oracles see Famell,
use of springs as tests of virginity: Achill. Tat. VIII Cults III 8 fT. But see M. P. Nilsson, Gesch. Gr. Rel. I
12,8; Eustr. phil. VIII 7,2; XI 17,5; ef. Eitrcm, 159.

Opfemtus und Voropfer der Griechen undRomer, 116. 11 E.g., by Miss P. M. Mudie-Cooke, JRS III 169 ;

Many of these instances belong to Semitic lands, and Cook, Zeus II 206.

T. J. DUNBABIN

are possible. Hauser 32 thought that Themis is about to drink the water of
the Castalian spring, the source of inspiration. 33 But it should be noted that
she does not hold the phiale as if raising it to her lips, but holds it steady with
her hand beneath it. Further, it is doubtful whether it was an original part
of the procedure at Delphi, as at Klaros and elsewhere, to drink the water
of the sacred spring. 34 Holland holds that Themis is about to pour a libation
before giving the oracle. 35 Sir John Bcazley suggests to me that Themis is
sprinkling or about to sprinkle water from the phiale with the laurel branch
in her right hand, thus purifying Aigeus before his entry into the temple and
enquiry of the oracle, and quotes many other vases on which holy water is
sprinkled in this way from a phiale. 36 But the intent look which Themis
bends on the phiale 37 is not then fully explained. Delatte, 38 while agreeing
that Themis is giving the oracle from the phiale, holds that she is not reading
the omens in a full bowl, but is using the empty phiale as a mirror in which
to see the future. This is unlikely, as the embossed concave surface of the

phiale, which appears to be of the type of Perachora I, pi. 56, i, 39 would not
well reflect light. .

Very little later than the painting of the Themis cup, Aristophanes
perhaps parodied the practice of lecanomancy in Ackarnians 1128 ff. 40 Other
possible references 41 and illustrations 42 are too uncertain to bear much
weight. The earliest clear references are in the Roman period. 43 But it

*' FR III no. from its behaviour. The latter practice is referred

** Cf. Paus. X 34, 7 (Kassotis, not Castalia); to in the words riel y< 5 p -nws ol tv lAalco 6pwvns
Lucian, Hermot. 801; cf. Iup. Trap. 675; Diss. am uavnCwrm. The common figure of speech which
lies. 346. On the Delphic springs, Kassotis and others, compared a shield to a phiale (Arist. Rhet. i4t2 b 35;
seeNmck,op.a<., 84iT. . . Poet. 1457* 20; cf. the confusion in Paus. V 10, 4) may

' See Parke, History of the Delphic Oracle, 26 f., who give point to the passage in the Achamians, if the shield
holds that the draught of the Castalian waters is a late, is indeed being used for divination in the way in which
syncretistic addition to the procedure, not vouched Themis' phiale appears to be on the cup in Berlin,
for earlier than Lucian. Contra, Nilsson, Gesch. Gr. Lamachus' phrase tv tO tvopO—'I sec in the

Rel. I, 156; Histoire ghdrede des religions: Grice, Rome, bowl ’—may favour the view that he is looking into
2 <? 5 i ,*£' HoUan i 1 «474 > 933 . 2 to. The contrast the inside, not the outside, of the shield. But the

of the Delphic procedure with the Klarian where the point cannot be determined with certainty, nor is it
priest drinks the water is clearly made by Iamblichus, certain that there is any reference to divinatory rites.
demvst., Ill It. «« L. R. Famell, Greece and Babylon, 301, finds

w*" at ’’ n ; 34 a P° v ^’ another reference in Aesch. As. 322. This is uncon-

*• £.*., amphora by Sylcus Painter in Kansas City, vincing, as Aeschylus speaks of oil and vinegar, not
ARV 164 no. 1, Athena and warriors setting out; oil and water; it is, as Professor Fraenkel points out,
Italiote kratcr, London F 166, Ann. dell Inst. 1847, to be taken as a domestic metaphor,
ph X Apollo purifying Orestes. Cf. further P. « Apulianpelike,Naples3231,^1869,pi. 17; A.B.
Stenge!, Opfrrbrhoche der Grvthen, 35 f. Cook, Zeus I, pi. 12, from Ruvo; where the group of

hor which see E. Bielefeld, Arekdologische Ver- Aphrodite and Eros is so interpreted by Cook, op. cit.

5 ; >28: ‘Aphrodite ... is unconcernedly holding a

up. at., 1051. . . . phiale to serve as a divining-glass for Eros'; Delatte,

_ a- 1 on ?ue-pattem phiale; Luschey, Die Phiale, op. cU., 186, rightly reserves judgement on this interpre-
7 ® **•! v- ° 7 * n - 5 ° 3 - „ tation. Pompeii, Villa Item, scene in which a young

40 For this passage see Delatte, op. at., 133 fT. He satyr looks into a tilted cup: see Mudie Cooke, 7 RS

3 lams it as catoptromancy, not lecanomancy. The III 167 ff. and pi. XI. For objections to this inter-
sliast, while interpreting the passage as an instance pretation sec Maiuri, La Villa deiMisteri, 146 ff. Rome,
01 divination, has confused catoptromancy and House of Livia: see G. Perrot, RA 1870-1. 103 ff
lecanomancy, or rather, has put two interpretations pi. XXI.

side by side; either the oil is poured on to the outside « Varro ap. Augustin, de Cio. Dei VII 3*; Apu|.
of the shield to polish it for use as a mirror, or it is Apol. 42: Strabo 762.
poured into the hollow of the shield to take the omens

give point to the passage in the Achamians, if the shield
is indeed being used for divination in the way in which
Themis’ phiale appears to be on the cup in Berlin.
Lamachus' phrase lv t& X cDod(# hops—‘I sec in the
bowl’—may favour the view that he is looking into
the inside, not the outside, of the shield. But the
point cannot be determined with certainty, nor is it
certain that there is any reference to divinatory rites.

41 L. R. Famell, Greece and Babylon, 301, finds
another reference in Aesch. Ag. 322. This is uncon¬
vincing, as Aeschylus speaks of oil and vinegar, not
oil and water; it is, as Professor Fraenkel points out,
to be taken as a domestic metaphor.

41 Apulian pelike, Naples 3231, ^£1869, pi. 17; A.B.
Cook, Zeus I, pi. 12, from Ruvo; where the group of
Aphrodite and Eros is so interpreted by Cook, op. cit.
128: ‘Aphrodite ... is unconcernedly holding a
phiale to serve as a divining-glass for Eros ’; Delatte,
op. cit., 186, rightly reserves judgement on this interpre¬
tation. Pompeii, Villa Item, scene in which a young
satyr looks into a tilted cup: see Mudie Cooke, 7 RS

pi. XXI.

4 * Varro ap. A
Apol. 42; Strabo

in. de Cio. Dei VII 35; Apul.

THE ORACLE OF HERA AKRAIA AT PERACHORA

has, I hope, been shown that there is at least a case for the view that lecano-
mancy was known and practised in Greece in the fifth century, and that the
phiale was its proper vessel.

M. Delatte, in his important work on catoptromancy, the reading of the
future in a mirror, points out that it is very different from lecanomancy, with
which we are here concerned. Catoptromancy is not, like lecanomancy, a
pseudo-sciencc which proceeds by interpreting visible signs as omens, but is
hallucinatory, the unknown being in some manner shown in the mirror or
surface which serves as a mirror. As has been seen, he interprets both the
picture inside the Themis cup and the passage in the Acharnians as catoptro¬
mancy, not lecanomancy, and holds that the latter is not known in the
Greco-Roman world earlier than the first century b.c., and is then borrowed
from the East, whereas catoptromancy is of native Greek growth. The two
practices were, however, assimilated to one another in late antiquity, and
both appcar.in origin to have been associated with water. 44 In one case it is
possible to observe the development of catoptromancy from a well-oracle.
At Patrai there was an oracle of Demeter, where a mirror was let down into
a sacred well, and omens drawn from the reflections in the mirror from the
water. 45 This is half-way to catoptromancy; and it is therefore interesting
to observe that the mirror appears to be an addition to the procedure, as
Pausanias observes when he compares it with the divinatory spring of Apollo
Thyrxeus at Kyaneai in Lycia, where the omens were drawn directly from
the movement of the waters without the intervention of a mirror. 46 The
earlier stage may be paralleled at Cape Tainaron, where those who looked
into the water of a spring saw the sea and the ships on it. 47 It has been
suggested that the Demeter associated with the spring at Patrai was repre¬
sented holding a cup, 48 like the Demeter TroTiipio<p6pos at the neighbouring
Antheia. 49 So perhaps divination by mirror here succeeded a divination in
which the waters of the sacred spring were poured into or from a cup.

In both Babylonian and Greek lecanomantic texts the importance of
pure water is stressed. This may be rain water, river water, spring water,
sea water, or more generally uovtik6v u8cop. 50 One text requires rain water
for the heavenly gods. 51 At Perachora, there was neither river nor spring

44 Cf. Halliday, Greek DuAnation, 145.

“ Paus. VII ai, 1a; sec Delatte, op. cit., 135 ff.
The ritual is parodied by Lucian, VH I a6. For a
modem parallel at Andros see Delatte, ti 1; compare
also the sacred well of the church of St. George at
Amorgos, described by Lawson, Modern Greek Folklore
and Anient Greek Religion, 33a ff. Delatte also quotes
parallels in medieval manuscripts for the combina¬
tion of mirror and spring or vessel of water (op. eit.,
167 ff). The sacred spring at Patras, it is interesting
to note, is still venerated and regarded as healing;
S. Andreas has succeeded Demeter (see Herbillon,

Les cultes de Patras, 34,28).

44 Paus., loc. at.

« Paus. Ill a 5 , 8.

48 Herbillon, op. cit., 36-7.

48 Athen. XI 460 d\ cj. Cook, Znis I 228, n. r, who
compares a number of Attic and Italiotc vases on which
Dcmeter fillsa phialefromwhichTriptolemoswill pour
a libation before setting out on his journey (ibid.,
217 ff).

44 Psellus de dorm. 6 (Pair. Gr. CXXII 881; cf
Ganszniec, cp. cit., 1884).

41 Pcp.Gr.Mag. I, IV226 (if. Ganszniec, op. cit., 1882).

T. J. DUNBABIN

water, and any water needed for the cult had to be rain water caught and
stored. 52 If then (to anticipate an historical conclusion) a form of divination
which required water was introduced at about the time when the Temple of
Hera Limenia was built, this water could be provided in no other way than
by digging out a catch-pit. 53 No water could be more holy than that which
has fallen on the temenos itself, and this may explain the location of the sacred
pool, immediately below the temenos where its waters would naturally
collect. The pool had filled by the end of the fifth century, 54 but was then
replaced by a stone catch-pit; and in the fourth or third century a fine
stone-lined cistern, with central piers to carry the roof and steps down into
the water, was built a little lower down the hill. Beside this cistern is a house
whose main feature is a number of stone benches built against the walls. 55
Is it too much to believe that the house like the similar one by the fountain of
Lerna at Corinth 66 was associated with the cistern, and that both carried on
that side of the cult which had been served by the much simpler archaic
pool in the same area? If so, their purpose is perhaps more likely to have
been for the oracle and the reception of its consultants than for simply purifi¬
catory rites; especially as, the main temple being now by the harbour and
not in the upper part of the site, the cistern did not lie at the entrance of the
temenos, as the pool had.

There are many instances in which a phiale is thrown into water (generally
the sea) on setting out for a journey or beginning some other important
undertaking. The most celebrated is when Xerxes, on crossing the
Hellespont, poured a libation from a golden phiale which after praying he
threw into the Hellespont. 57 Herodotos, who relates this, is uncertain
whether Xerxes was sacrificing to the Sun or to the Hellespont; from the fact
that Xerxes poured his libation at sunrise, facing the sun, we may suspect
that he was taking the omens in the old Babylonian ritual. 58 His example
was followed by Alexander at the Hellespont and, at a crucial moment of his
career, at the mouth of the Indus before the return from India. 59 Other
travellers pour libations from phialai on setting out on journeys, but without
so far as wc know throwing their phialai into the sea; for instance, Triptolcmos,
on many vases; 60 Oinomaos, before his race with Pelops; 61 Mopsos, who

** Cf. Perachora 13. “ Cf. Gansznicc, RE XII 1880. For Persian

•* Sea water is used if the question is put to the gods ‘ magi ’ as XocovouAvuts see Strabo 762.
of earth (see papyrus quoted in n. 51). There was 6 * Arrian Anab. I 11,6; VI 19,5.
plenty of this at Perachora, but as the goddess of the *° Cf. Cook, &us I 217 ff. and n. 49 above. A
shrine is not a god of earth, sea water would not be good instance, not included by Cook: the kotyle by
suitable for her. Makron, London E 140 (FR pi. 161; Beazlcy, ARV

** Perachora I 120-1. 301, no. 3).

M House and cistern visible in the foreground of 11 Cook, Zeus I 36 ff. In one of these (Apulian
Perachora I pi. 4a. krater, London, Soane Museum, I pi. 5)

** Sec refs, in Perachora I 14, n. 3. Oinomaos pours a libation before his sacrifice; cf.

11 Herod. VII 54, 2. Plut. de def. orac. 435c for libations poured over a

THE ORACLE OF HERA AKRAIA AT PERACHORA

6 9

pours a libation to Zeus from a golden phialc as Argo sets forth from Iolkos. 62

Similar, though involving a cup not a phiale, is a ceremony of sailors out
from Syracuse. 63 They filled a clay cup with flowers and honey and spice,
dedicated it at an altar on the extreme point of Ortygia, 64 and threw it into
the sea when they lost sight of the shield on the temple of Athena on the
highest point of Ortygia. It may be that, as well as an offering, this was
also a method of divination, omens being drawn from the fall of the cup.

Perhaps the ceremony at Syracuse had its counterpart at Perachora.
The situation of the altar at the extreme point of Ortygia corresponds to that
of the sanctuary of Hera Akraia at the last point of Corinthian land. The
importance of Perachora begins with the western voyages of the Corinthians,
and was in early times bound up with the overseas trade of Corinth. 65 Many
a ship westward bound must have waited in the little harbour for a fair wind
to carry it down the Gulf of Corinth. The ship’s master, waiting for a wind,
would climb the hill to the new temple. This temple’s connexion with the
harbour, and hence with sailors, shipowners, and merchants, is shown by the
title Limenia used in addressing the goddess; whether this was the cult-title
under which the temple was dedicated or an unofficial form of address is
immaterial. Just before he entered the precinct, he came to the sacred pool.
Into it he threw a phiale. If the object were only to pour a libation on
entering the sanctuary, or to draw the water for purification, why throw the
phiale in? It may be that from the fall of the vase into the water the omens
were drawn; if it was swallowed down, the offering was accepted and a good
voyage might be expected; if it floated, it would presage ill. This, I suggest,
was the uovteIov of Hera.

Other travellers’ oracles are known, in the late literature of magic; 66
and there was one at Tainaron, silent in Pausanias’ time, which was also a
water-oracle, though consulted in a different way. 67 Tainaron, like
Perachora, was a point vital for westward sailors. 68 The success of a long
sea-voyage, and even the chances of returning alive, are obviously among
the most urgent subjects on which early Greeks, and particularly Corinthians,
could consult an oracle. It may be that the ceremony which I have just
reconstructed at Perachora, and the ceremony at Syracuse recorded by

sacrificial animal, and an augury drawn from its suggests Hera Olympia. These are guesses: and
behaviour whether to proceed to consult the oracle. Hera Olympia is not known nor clearly referred to in
So in Babylonian divination, sacrifice and lecanomancy the text of Athenaeus (see Freeman, History cf Sicily,
may be part of the same consultation, omens being II 441 ff.).
drawn both from the behaviour of the oil in the bowl Cf. Payne, Perachora I 25.

and from the ala of the sacrificed animal (see •* See Delatte, ob. cit., 167 f., and texts there quoted;

Ganszniec, RE XII 1880). ps.-Callisth. Vil. Ala. 1,1.

« Pind. Prth. IV 193. * 7 Paus. Ill 25, 8; see above p. 67.

« Polemon ap. Athcn. XI 462 b. “ For the connexion of Tainaron with the West cf.

•* It is not known whose this altar was. Schubring, its occurrence in the story of Arion (Herod. I 24 ) and
Achradina, 40 f.; Bewdsserung ion Sytakxu, 628, suggests the statue there of a rider on a dolphin, which recalls the
Zeus Ourios; Holm, Topograph di Siracusa, 186, famous group on the coins of Taras.

T. J. DUNBABIN

Polemon, were not solely private, but may have taken place once a year, with
especial ceremony, at the opening of the sailing season. An annual ceremony
could explain the fact that there are some two hundred phialai in the pool at
Perachora, which can have been in use for not much longer than two hundred
years. 69

I am aware that this is a tissue of conjecture, on matters not susceptible
of proof, and not supported by direct evidence; for on this oracle, as on other
matters connected with their cults, the Corinthians were silent. I offer it
here, rather than in the official publication of the site, in the attempt to
elucidate some puzzling features revealed by the excavation. There is one
last question which calls for an answer, though the answer, like what has
gone before, can be given with no assurance of certainty. Hera is not an
oracular goddess anywhere except at Perachora. 70 Why should she be so
here? Either she has taken over some cult older than her own—and there
is no sign that the site of the Heraion was sacred before the cult of Hera was
introduced 71 —or an alien element has been added to her. This must have
happened long before the Christian era, for Strabo described the oracle as
silent in his time; it will therefore not be a syncretistic practice of the Greco-
Roman period. The most likely time for it is the period of greatest activity
in the sanctuary, the orientalising period. It may have been at the beginning
of that period, when Corinthians first began to voyage west to Syracuse and
east to Syria, 72 when they came into contact for the first time with Eastern
religion. Divination by the cup spread from Babylonia to Egypt. 73 It is
not otherwise known in Greece until the fifth century, not certainly until the
first century b.c. But the very word Xek< 5 cvti given to the cup used in divin¬
ation is thought to be of Babylonian derivation. 74 No good Greek derivation
has been found for the word ; perhaps it also is oriental, like the object
itself? 76 The phiale comes to Greece from the Orient in the early seventh

'* We do not know how often the pool was cleaned
out, but not very often or thoroughly, for many
seventh-century object* were found in the mud of its
bottom.

Cf. Famel!, Cults I 193. I have let the statement
in the text stand; but there is some evidence that
Hera was an oracular goddess at Cumae in Italy; see
the text quoted by A. Maiuri in^woniaVI (1912), 1 ff.,
and read by him as *HpTi oW (fi(i) fjpi w n rnOwfcn.
He compares the appearance of Iuno Regina in the
Sibylline cult at Rome, derived from Cumae. Cf. also
the ordeal of virginity associated with the cult of Iuno
Sospita at Lanuvium or Lavinum (Prop. IV 8, 3 ff.;
Aelian, NA XI 16); for the connexion of ordeal and
divination see n. 24; for the relation of the cult of
Iuno at Lanuvium to that of Hera Argeia near
Poseidonia, which in turn is related to that of Hera
Alcraia at Argos and Perachora, sec J. Heurgon,
Capoiu prfromtane, 375.

n Perachora I 20 f.

» Cf. Sydney Smith, AJ 1942, 99, for Corinthians at
Posideion (Al Mina); JHS 1948, 66.

71 Gen. xliv, 5/

71 Eitrem, Opferritus und Voropfer der Griechen und
Romer, 116, n. 1; LS* s.v. The word is as old as
Aristophanes; and in MetrMusStud IV 18, Mrs.
A. D. Urc argues that the sixth-century vase in the
form of a Shallow bowl, conventionally called lekane,
was known by that name in antiquity and may have
been the vessel of lecanomancy.

71 The word is Homeric (II. XXIII 243, 253, 270),
but this do« not exclude an oriental derivation, for I
take it that parts at least of the Iliad arc contemporary
with the earliest appearance of orientalising elerrfents
in Greek culture. The Homeric phiale is a different
vessel from the classical; that is to say, the word reached
Greece before the thing.

THE ORACLE OF HERA AKRAIA AT PERACHORA 71

century. The immediate predecessors of the Greek forms, as Luschey has
shown, are Assyrian. 76 It is always more used by, or in the service of, gods
than men, though it makes its appearance often enough at human banquets;
its commonest use, however, is for libations. 77 I have suggested that in some
of the pictures or texts where we can see superficially no more than a libation,
there may in fact be a hidden or misunderstood case of divination. Perhaps
we have at Perachora the very point of entry of the phiale into Greece; it was
brought as part of the mechanism of divination, but the strict Mesopotamian
rules of interpreting the omens were not understood, and the Corinthians
instead took the omens in a very much simpler manner by throwing the phiale
into the sacred water to see if it was accepted or rejected. Asiatic elements in
the religion of Corinth have already been observed or suspected, particularly
in the ritual of Hera Akraia at Corinth. 78 This may be another element.

T. J. Dunbabin

74 Luschcy, DU Phiale, 31 ff. 74 Famell, Culls I 201 ff.; E. Maass, Griechen und

77 Cf. Perachora I 152 f.; Luschcy, RE Suppl. VII Semittn auf dev hlhmus von Korinlh\ cf. Wadc-Gery, CAH
1027 ff. (where iw use in divination is not included II 538.
among the uses of the phiale listed).

FURTHER EVIDENCE REGARDING THE BRONZE
ATHENA AT BYZANTIUM

(plate ii)

Professor Wace’s brilliant services to archaeology have been diffused
over so wide a field that it is not difficult to cite some notable work of his in
connexion with almost anything that one may oneself offer to his Festschrift.
As I wish to write of a famous fifth-century bronze statue, I may gratefully
remember his illuminating article on the Chatsworth head, printed in JHS

LVIII (1938), 90-95.

In JHS LXVII (1949), 31-33 and pi. X, I drew attention to an eleventh-
century Byzantine miniature in a manuscript which, as Mr. T. C. Skcat has
since kindly informed me, is no longer in existence. In the miniature
appeared the representation of a statue of Athena, standing on a column;
and I suggested that this statue had many features in common with what
we know of the great bronze Athena of Byzantium, described by Nicetas
Choniata, which may have been the so-called ‘ Promachos ’ of Pheidias.
Without re-opening the question of whether the Pheidian and Byzantine
Athenas were identical, I wish only to point out in this article that additional
evidence about the latter may be supplied by another Byzantine miniature,
this time of the tenth century, which is illustrated in fig. below and plate i i.

This miniature, painted in the neo-Hellenistic style of the tenth-century
Byzantine renaissance, illustrates a passage in a splendid manuscript of
Oppian’s Cyregetica , which is now in the Marcian Library at Venice. 1 The
picture has been twice reproduced and described by Diehl. 2 But I here
reproduce from a new photograph, 3 and venture to amplify and amend
Diehl’s description, which is, in one important particular, inaccurate.

The verses illustrated A extol the power of Eros over all things, even over
the gods. On the left of the picture, Eros (labelled above 6 fpcos) flies to
right, and menaces with extended bow a group of gods; these are, Athena, a
bearded god, a beardless god, and Hermes, who is identifiable by his winged
calves, although he has a pair of goat’s horns on his head and a spear in his
right hand. In the centre, in front of a building which presumably represents
the hall of Olympus, a winged satyr or Pan approaches Artemis, who chastely
waves him by. Artemis, the moon-goddess and huntress, is furnished with a
very Christian-looking halo about her head and an arrow in her right hand.
To right again is depicted a scene on a higher level and smaller scale; it is

479 U f * , 33 ' ; C -L' p - Boudreaux, Oppim * I am indebted to the courtesy of the Marcian
f.lfian", La Chaise (Pans 1908) 25 Librarian for procuring me this photograph.

* MnutlfArlByzanlui, II (Pam, I 9 a6),6o2~6oa, fig. ‘ II 4 , 0 ff.

284; U PemturcBjzantux/ (Paris, 1933), 93, pi. LXXX.

THE BRONZE ATHENA AT BYZANTIUM

obviously set in a different plane and in quite un-Olympian surroundings.
Beneath a window, from which a girl is looking with an expression of dismay,
two men are struggling; the left-hand figure has his antagonist by the throat,
and is about to dash out his brains with a loaded club. Above the fray,

[ Folo-Fioftnlini, Venice

Detail from a Xth Century
Byzantine MS.

the bust of Zeus, who wears the Byzantine imperial modiolus , protrudes from
a cloud and threatens to pulverise the murderer with his thunder-bolt. An
inscription between the two struggling figures reads kp(caret)-ns. Diehl, who
regarded the two figures as gods, read this as ’Eppns, and mistook the assailant’s
bludgeon for a caductus. 5 But in fact, as is clear from their contemporary

‘ La Peinlure Byzantine, loe. til.

R. J. H. JENKINS

dress and smaller scale, the brawlers are human: all too human, indeed, as
they are fighting for love of the onlooking lady. I should therefore suppose
that £p/*TEs is an abbreviation of Ipcoyav-fov-res, a word which, in this form, is
almost a &Tra 5 XeydnEvov, but which actually occurs in this very poem of Oppian. 6

None of the gods, so far as they can be seen, presents a purely classical
type. Athena, with whom we are here concerned, though equipped with
an Attic helmet, a shield, and a lance, which derive from the classical Greek
panoply, wears a sagum or paludamenlum and a corselet which, with its shoulder-
pieces, has more in common with the Romano-Byzantinc lorica than with
the fifth-century Greek o-ttoA&s. 7 It is indeed improbable that the bronze
Athena described by Nicetas wore a corselet at all: he does not mention it,
though he mentions aegis and gorgoneion> which are absent in our picture. 8
So far, then, as external attributes go, the Physiologus miniature would appear
to reproduce more accurately the classical Greek type.

On the other hand, our tenth-century figure, owing to its larger scale
and more careful drawing, gives a much clearer idea of the pose of the statue
described by Nicetas. We note first the upraised fore-finger of the hand which
holds the lance, the fore-finger with which the benighted rabble of Byzantium
supposed her to be beckoning to the Crusaders. 9 Next, the head turns in
the direction of the outstretched arm. Then, the left hand is very clearly
seen resting on the upper rim of the upright shield; 10 and it is easy to understand
how, if the shield had disappeared in Nicetas’s day, he might have supposed
this hand to be holding up the drapery. 11 Lastly, the only substantial differ¬
ence in pose between the figures of the two miniatures is that the tenth-
century figure rests the weight on her right leg, and there is reason to think
that this is truer to the Pheidian pose. 12

I believe that the same bronze statue inspired the description of Nicetas
and, more or less directly, both the miniatures, which supplement one another.
The tenth-century artist has given his Athena the general attributes of war,
just as he has given his Artemis the general attributes of a lunar huntress, and
his Zeus the attributes of royalty and celestial power. But whatever freedom
of attribute he has indulged, from the pose he cannot emancipate himself.
It is the pose of the great bronze Athena of Byzantium, and, as I incline to
believe, of Athens also.

R. J. H. Jenkins

(*949)» 3* "33- .

10 For ihc shield on the ground, cf, F. Chamoux, in
BCH LXVIII-LXIX (1944-1945;, 232-233.

11 Cf. Chamoux, loc. at., and G. P. Stevens in
Hafxria V (1936), 495. The column was, in fact,
struck by lightning in October 1079 (Attaliota, cd.
Bonn., p- 310,-1..)

11 Chamoux, op. at., 231.

• III 368.

’.Q*- nearly contemporary portrait of Basil II,
Diehl, La Pdnture Byzantine, pi. LXXXIII.

• See. however, the Athenian coin figured by Picard
Mamul d'ArchfoloPit grecque, La Sculture, II (Paris, 1929)!
339. %• >45. where what may be the irrtpuytj 0 f a
66pa£ appear as vertical incisions below the waist.

• For this and the following details, sec JUS LXVII

FACE-URNS AND KINDRED TYPES IN ANATOLIA

(plate 12)

Professor Frankfort’s article Ishtar at Troy 1 suggests a new explanation for
the Trojan face-urns, and a pedigree which connects them with Mesopotamian

Fig. 1.—Anatolia.

or north-Syrian prototypes. The series he discusses includes the winged
vessels and covers from Thermi. 2 These are also referred to by Professor

I am indebted to the following sources for the figures
in the text: pic. i is from Iraq XI 189; pio. 2, a from
Schliemann, Jlios, 217, fig. 36; pic. 2, b from W. Lamb,
Thermi, pi. XXXII 4; pic. 3 a from MDOG LXXIV
17, fig. 11; pio. 3, 0, c from Turk Tarih Kongresi III
(see note 15 below); no. 4, a from Schliemann, Jlios,
34a, fig. 238; pic. 4, b, c from W. Lamb, Thermi, nl. X
330, 481. All drawings are by Miss F. Frecmantle, to
whom warm thanks are due, also to Mr. L. Gallagher
and Miss N. Six for the map.

In addition to the usual abbreviations in BSA, the
following arc used:

AH II = H. Kojay, Ausgrabungm von Alaca Uojuk,
36.

ten = Turk Tarih Kunmu: Belleten.

DTCFD — Dil v* Tarih-Cografya FakiilUsi Dergisi
(Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimcvi, Ankara).
JNES = Journal of Near Eastern Studies.

MDOG - Mitleilunrm der deulschen Orient-
Gesrllschafi zu Berlin.

SS — H. Schmidt, Heinrith Schliemann's Sammlung
Trojanischer A l ter turner.

» JNES VIII 194

* Lamb, Thermi, pi. X nos. 340, 341, 481.

WINIFRED LAMB

Mallowan in his account of the idols From Brak. 3 ProFessor Mallowan’s
interpretation difFers From ProFessor FrankFort’s, 4 and to a student oFAnatolian
prehistory may seem more convincing. But such matters do not concern us
here. The purpose oF this paper, which accepts the assumption that eyes and
eyebrows on vases From Turkish sites are indeed derived From the eastern
sources identified by the two scholars, is much narrower: to review the
Anatolian evidence, 5 present some Fresh examples, and thereby reduce the
geographical gap between Troy and the east to which ProFessor FrankFort
reFers. For recent excavations have yielded several Face-vases From central

(«) m

Fig. 2. Sherds with Eyes from Troy and Thermi.

(a) After Schliemann, Ilios, 217, fig. 36; (b) after Lamb, Thermi, pi. XXXII, 4.

Turkey: unluckily, as will be shown, most oF them are too late to be regarded
as links in a chain. Our material, some old, some new, may be divided into
types, the first comprising open bowls adorned with incised eyes and eyebrows,
the second including Face-urns, lids, and other Forms.

Type /. Open Vases Decorated with Eyes and Eyebrows

Such Features, incised on the inner rims oF bowls, arc an early develop¬
ment and appear to be confined to northwestern Anatolia. Specimens have
been Found at Troy in the first city, and at Thermi in its middle periods, where

: Taluin 0zB °'' DTFCD 11 709 (in
‘ For ,hi * evidence I am greatly indebted to an

FACE-URNS AND KINDRED TYPES IN ANATOLIA

they are probably contemporary with Troy I. 6 fig. 2, b , shows a Thcrmiote
sherd, with lozenge-shaped eyes recalling those on a seal from Tell Agrab
which both Professor Frankfort and Professor Mallowan illustrate: 7 the
Trojan sherd, fig. 2, a , supplies the nose. Here, perhaps, are the prototypes
of the plastic faces, type II, with which Trojan potters so freely enlivened
their wares.

Type II. Face-Urns and Face-lids

Troy. The Trojan face-urns and face-lids are familiar, and a detailed
discussion would be out of place, all the more so since the publication of
Professor Blcgen’s excavations is imminent. Schlicmann’s finds, with their
variations, can be studied in his Troja and Ilios, also in Schmidt’s Schliemann
Sammlung. With regard to period, it should be remembered that the jars which
we loosely call urns and their covers were first decorated with faces during
the lifetime of the second city, and survived beyond the fourth, 8 being thus con¬
temporary, more or less, with the two-handled goblets and succeeding open
bow'ls of our Type II. Nowhere else were the urns so popular, so much at
home.

Bolu lies well to the north of any route which may have connected Troy
with the prehistoric settlements round Ankara, or with Alaca further east,
yet it is the home of a remarkably fine anthropomorphic jar (plate 12). 9
There are arms, pierced lugs for ears, breasts roundly modelled over a plump
chest, and horizontal grooves for eyes. The orifice is oval, and under one
arm there is a hole which looks at first like a perforation but proves to be an
accidental cavity. The clay is yellowish-buff, with only slight traces of polish,
the height 24 cm. Smug, stout, and sleepy, the figure which this vessel
presents has counterparts at Troy: closed eyes distinguish certain faces there, 10
among the more numerous alert ones. Style indicates a date in the ‘ Copper ’
or Early Metal Age, and the other finds from Bolu, though not very character¬
istic, point to the same conclusion.

Tekekoy , on the Black Sea coast near Samsun, is the site of a remarkable
extra-mural cemetery. 11 The cemetery belongs to the 1 Copper Age and
may be dated perhaps between 2400 and 2100 b.c. Among the pottery which

•Schliemann, Ilios, 217, fig. 36; 247, fig. 100; » Btlltten VIII.no. 30.pl. XLIX 3 «. Iamindebted

Lamb, Thermi, 89 and pi. XXXII 3, 4. lo Dr. Ko$ay for permission to publish the vase, which

’ JJfES VIII 196, fig. 1, no. 4; Iraq IX 210, is in the Ethnological Museum, Ankara, and for
fig. 19. supplying photographs.

' Professor Blcgen found one example in a definite *" Good examples arc SS nos. 308, 309, of which the
second city context, AJA XLI 564-5; the stratum former, unfortunately a head only, is particularly close
was ' third from the end of (Troy) II xn F 4-5 '. For to the Bolu vase.

Schlicmann’s second city examples, see Ilios , 290-2. u Btllelen IX, no. 35, 382-8, 398-400; Iraq XI
For the evidence from other strata, sec AJA XXXVIII 193-5.

231; XXXIX 9, 562; XLI 571.

WINIFRED LAMB

accompanied the burials was a small fragment bearing a plastic eye and eye¬
brow. 12 It is made in a polished black ware which does not, apparently,
differ from the normal local clay

Alaca Hoyik. Several publications refer to face-vases from Alaca, 13 and
Dr. Ko$ay’s forthcoming publication will give descriptions and illustrations.
The vases were, apparently, introduced during the ‘ Copper Age ’, and sur¬
vived into the Hittite period, where they have been identified in the middle
strata which the excavators call Alaca II, 3, and which cannot be earlier than
the late sixteenth or fifteenth century b.c. 14 To those strata belong two
remarkable sherds published in 1948 (fig. 3, b, c ). 15 Each is adorned with a
thick, beak-like nose, heavy brows, and button-like eyes: each looks as though

(*)

Fio. 3 .—Face-Vases.

(a) From Bogazkdy, after MDOG LXXIV 17, fig. 11.

(b) , (c) After Turk Tarih Kongresi III (see note 15).

it came from a bowl. Yet they have little resemblance to the wide, open
bowls with interior decoration of our Type I, and their ultimate inspiration
must surely have been the more owl-like vessels of the kind made at Troy.

Bogazkby. From the Hittite capital comes a face, sharp-nosed, staring,
with downward sloping eyebrows. The mouth, as sometimes at Troy, is
small (fig. 3, a). Hittite potters were clever at making figures in relief on
their vases, and this face, with its smooth, sure modelling, is in much the same
style. Dr. Bittcl discovered the fragment we are discussing in level IVa in
* 935 > an< * described it as probably part of a rhyton. 16 It has a slightly out¬
ward-turned rim, and is fashioned of grey-brown clay with a red polished slip
which, according to the text, does not cover the eyes. Level IVa antedates

11 Belleten, loc. cit,, 386-7, pi. LXVIII 5.
u AH II 179; DTCFD, loc. cU., 709
BtlleUn I 539; VIII, no. 29, 157.

14 Iraq Xf 202.

709, note 63;

" Turk Tarih Kongresi III (1943), 175, Dr Kosay’s
pi. 6, no. Al.i. H83. This publication is no. IX 3, of
the Turk Tarih Kurumu.

14 MDOG LXXIV 16-7, fig. 11.

FACE-URNS AND KINDRED TYPES IN ANATOLIA

the later Empire, so the rhyton from Bogazkoy and the face-sherds from Alaca
belong approximately to the same period, before 1500 b.c. But how dissimilar
they are in other respects: as though the Trojan tradition had, at two cities
not far apart, been preserved in different forms!

Thus it can be shown that vessels adorned with human features were made
in Anatolia for at least 800 years; not, however, in large quantities except at
Troy during the second half of the third millennium. On the Anatolian
evidence alone, a student would be inclined to say: ‘ here is a convention
which was invented at Troy and thence travelled eastward He would call
to mind the fact that sites near Samsun, such as Tekekoy, give the impression
of being subject to Troadic influence; 17 that signs of contact between Troy
and Alaca have long been recognised.

Now, in view of the strong arguments advocated for an alien, eastern
origin, he must readjust his ideas. The convention was not invented at Troy.
But was Troy the distributing centre, or had it rivals along roads over the
plateau leading to Syria ? The Kiiltepe idols might support such a hypothesis
if they had been imitated elsewhere; Alaca might have claimed to be a trans¬
mitter if it had produced more specimens of appropriate date.

Yet the strongest arguments are still in favour of Troy ; there, on bowls of
Type I, the eye-device was first displayed; there, on the urns and lids of
Type II, it was elaborated and multiplied. Gradually, as roads were opened
up, it spread eastward and northward. Whether it had any religious signifi¬
cance during the Hittite period, or was due merely to respectful conservatism
and popular fancy, we cannot tell.

How, then, did it get to Troy? Not apparently overland, but by some
route along the south and west coasts. Already there is evidence that Troy
and its neighbours had connections with Cilicia, where the third millennium
pottery from Tarsus and Mersin can be more freely compared with Troadic
wares than with vases from the plateau. 18 The connection may have been
partly racial, since there is reason for thinking that dwellers in the Troad and
Cilicia might have belonged to the same branch of the Anatolian family, and
partly commercial. Contact could have been maintained, in spite of the
great distance, by sea or, in certain tracts, by routes near the sea; goods,
symbols and even cults could have been transmitted.

Between Cilicia, Syria, and Mesopotamia, communications were easier
and their existence is generally recognised. It is, therefore, permissible to
suggest that the eye-symbol came to Troy by way of maritime trade. Though
an obvious objection to such a theory arises from the absence of undoubted

»• AJA XLIV 65-7; LAAA XXV 8o-2, pi. XXII.

,T Iraq XI 193.

WINIFRED LAMB

eye-symbols in Cilicia, 19 it is supported by the presence in Lesbos of the
significant pot-covcrs (fig. 4, b ), so like the ones from Hama and Grai Resh,
to which Professor Frankfort has drawn our attention. 20 Their shape is
surely too odd to have journeyed overland without leaving copies behind on

Fig. 4.—(a) Vase from Troy. (After Schliemann, Ilios, 344, fig. 238.)

( b), ( c ) Lid and Vase from Thermi. (After Lamb, Thermi, pi. X, 341, 336.)

the many sites recently explored in the interior of Turkey. One of the vases
they covered is shown in fig 4, c: its Trojan counterpart, fig. 4, <2, gives the
last face to appear in our portrait-gallery.

Winifred Lamb

*• Professor Garstang has drawn my attention to
the decoration on the Early Chalcolithic vase, LAAA
XXVI, pi. XXX 5, in which he recognises, only

tentat ively, a pair of eyes. The vase is admittedly too
early in any case to support my hypothesis.

10 JNESV 1 II 198-9, fig. a, nos. 19-20.

THE ANCESTRY OF THE MINOAN PALACE

The object of this paper is to attempt to trace the sources of the various
architectural elements which compose the palaces of Crete. To a large
extent these were derived from overseas, 1 and the better knowledge of Asiatic
architecture which has resulted from the publications of recent years calls
for some revision of the views held by Evans and Pendlebury. This re-statc-
ment isolates and thereby facilitates investigation of the native share in the
invention of the palace form, which has much in common with Cretan
buildings of the Early Bronze Age. The difference between such buildings
and the contemporary work in other regions of the Aegean demands explan¬
ation, and a theory which may account for it has at least the merit of offering
a reason for the strangest feature of the Minoan palaces, their confused
planning.

The facts about the early stages of the palaces are meagre. 2 The first of
them were built in Middle Minoan I; only the general outlines of the plan
can be vaguely discerned at Knossos and Phaistos or guessed in the case of
Mallia. The arrangement of rooms is seldom ascertainable, and the few
partitions that remain visible make an apparently senseless agglomeration
of small rooms. But all three palaces were laid out on a unified plan, of which
the basic feature is a central courtyard—a novel idea in Crete but traditional
in both Egypt and Western Asia. Contrary, however, to the practice in
those countries, the court is invariably twice as long or more from north to
south as its east-west breadth, averaging some one hundred and seventy by
eighty feet; the motive, no doubt, was to obtain as much sunlight as possible
in winter for the sake of warmth, especially since the normal method of heating
was by charcoal braziers. Long stretches of wall were avoided, probably
because the builders distrusted their stability, but an architectural sense is also
showm by the manner in which a long facade was diversified by placing some
sections back or forward several feet or even yards, while the individual
sections were broken by recessing the central part only a foot or less; examples
can still be seen on the western frontages of all three palaces. Both schemes
were habitually used in Mesopotamia 3 and therefore known in Syria, while
Egyptian parallels are neither precise nor numerous. An appreciation of

* For the pottery evidence of oriental contacts ef.
Kantor AJA LI (1947), 1. The head of a Sumerian
statuette found at Knossos (Pendlebury, Archaeology
of Crete, 121, pi. XX 3) can now be dated e. 2000;
there is a cast in the Museum of Classical Archaeology,
Cambridge.

* The chronological treatment by Pendlebury op. cit.
makes the position clear.

* E.g. AJ X (1920), pis. XXIX-XXXV; G.
Contenau, Mamie! d'Archiologie orientale IV, figs. 1096,
1153, 1x67-8.

A. W. LAWRENCE

craftsmanship, hitherto lacking in Crete, is shown by the builders’ technique.
The walls consisted, as in Early Minoan buildings, of nibble or small roughly-
dressed stones, or else of sun-dried brick, but were now lined at the base with
a row of facing-slabs (orthostates) to a height of some three feet, and the entire
face was stuccoed or plastered. Orthostates too were used in northern
Mesopotamia and Syria, 4 and attached by the same means, of wooden bars
morticed into the wall. The whole wall with its orthostates stood on a plinth
a couple of feet high, which along an important frontage was allowed to
project some eighteen inches. The slight recessing of the middle of a fagadc
accordingly involved similar re-entrants in the edge of the plinth, and gained
emphasis thereby. This likewise was common practice in Mesopotamia.
The system of drainage, by means of earthenware pipes, could also have been
derived from Mesopotamia, indirectly, no doubt, through the cq^st of Syria
or Asia Minor. The rectangular supporting pillars are more typical of
Egypt than of Syria. Altogether there can be no doubt that M.M. I archi¬
tecture owed much to Asia and there is comparatively little evidence for
borrowing from Egypt till considerably later. The strict formality and
symmetry of Egyptian design must have been very alien to Cretan minds at
the first impact, whereas the deliberate asymmetry of Asiatic palaces and
temples would merely have surpassed their own ambitions. In any case we
may presume that the Minoans possessed a better knowledge of Asiatic than
of Egyptian architecture; they must have sailed regularly to the coast of
Asia Minor and Syria (as the finds at Ras Shamra especially bear witness),
and could have seen more buildings of fair quality there than at the mouths of
the Nile.

The work of Middle Minoan II has largely perished and that which
survives gives little information on methods of design. Corridors were built
in the Asiatic manner both as means of access and as stores for jars or boxes—
an example of which at Mallia seems quite likely to date from M.M. I. The
west porch at Knossos was made to project beyond the rest of the fa$ade so
.that it could be entered on the side, parallel with the exterior of the main
block; this arrangement was favoured at Tell-el-Amarna but no earlier
instance has been found in Egypt, whereas the Syrians used it by 1600.
Wooden columns on round stone bases were much used, as in Syria, and a
terracotta model reproduces their shape; the shafts are cylindrical and carry
square capitals like the Egyptian abacus, but there may well have been Syrian
prototypes of this simple form. The use of cement for floors was already a
Syrian practice. 5 The construction of the theatral areas must have begun
not later than this period; nothing comparable to them is known elsewhere.

* Geographically the most relevant case may be the » E.g. the temple at Qatna and the palace of
palace at Qatna {ibid. II 878). Yarim-La at Alalakh.

THE ANCESTRY OF THE MINOAN PALACE 83

The greater part of the remains of palaces must date between the beginning
of Middle Minoan III and the end of Late Minoan I; it appears that the
architectural style took almost its final shape early in M.M. Ill and thereafter
merely gamed in refinement, largely perhaps as a result of increasing Egyptian
influence. At first, however, Asiatic contributions are still noticeable.
Fragments analogous to the miniature frescoes have been found at Alalakh. 6
The normal type of column had an Asiatic rather than an Egyptian type of
capital and base, though exact comparisons cannot yet be made, and the
device of inserting the shaft into a hollow is an Asiatic convention. 7 The
sanitation probably followed Asiatic precedent in the usage of bathrooms
and latrines as well as drains, but as it happens there arc no contemporary
Egyptian examples for comparison. Egyptian influence, however, is shown
unmistakably in the columns with fluted or canncllated shafts 8 and almost
beyond question in the peristyle courts and clerestory halls. It may have been
responsible for the idea of constructing the temple tomb at Knossos and for
the use in it of exceptionally fine ashlar. The tendency towards more
disciplined planning which becomes apparent in L.M. I would also have been
encouraged by a knowledge of Egypt, but the extent both of this knowledge
and of its effects remains doubtful.

The arrangement of rooms in the palaces, however, is analogous in general
to that of Egyptian houses under the Twelfth Dynasty, contemporary with
M.M. I.® They too are planned with bent corridors, small rooms opening out
of each other (in succession or on the but-and-ben method) or forming boxes
one within the other, a few larger rooms which contained columns to support
the ceiling, and sometimes a court, light-well, or clerestory hall. And the
only element in this system which certainly existed in Early Minoan building
is the inter-communicating small rooms. But there is one essential difference
between Middle Minoan and Egyptian practice, however similar the theory:
in Crete a wilful irregularity prevails and the plan seems an illogical and dis¬
orderly growth instead of a composed design. No doubt the upper floors were
divided in a somewhat less labyrinthine manner but the actual ruins convey
the impression that Minoan architecture was, as someone has remarked,

‘ agglutinative My contention is that this joke almost expresses the literal
truth, though not, of course, as regards the palaces; I would apply it to the
Early Minoan heritage of the Middle Minoans who built the first palaces.

The Cretan habit, from Neolithic times, had been to congregate in larger
buildings than those of other Aegean areas; the rooms themselves were

. * Woolley, AJ XXVIII (19.18), 14, from a hal! par¬
titioned in Minoan style by columns'

7 Going back to the Neolithic custom of plastering
around the base edge of a post-hole (Garstang Story

of Jrricho *,
* Evans c

9)-

--id not yet know of the temples at Saqqara

when he published PM II ii, figs. 523-4.

* Petrie, Jllahur, Kahm and Gurob (1891), 6, pi. XIV.

A. W. LAWRENCE

smaller but more numerous. 10 In Early Minoan II and III this way of living
is reflected in the construction of ossuaries so extensive that they could have
received the bones of an entire clan or community. 11 And a single ‘ house ’
at Vasiliki comprised the greater part of the settlement at E. M. II; perhaps
it contained a hundred rooms, but there is no knowing whether the upper
floor or floors covered its whole area or only a part. 12 The ground plan shows
a seemingly haphazard grouping of dozens of little rooms, seldom measuring
over seven to twelve feet a side, and entered one from another. A paved
court adjoined the north-west side and may be taken as a prototype for the
paved courts bordering the M.M. palaces, while the use of a timber frame
to reinforce the walls and of red stucco to face them proves continuity in
technique.

The inhabitants of this building appear to have lived on terms of virtual
equality; no suite provided obviously superior accommodation, at any rate
on the ground floor. It may therefore be inappropriate to compare the great
house or palazzo of the later Middle Ages and Renaissance, in which a multi¬
tude of relatives and dependants lived under the protection of a noble;
indeed nothing similar to a feudal system is likely to have developed in the low
state of culture at E.M. II. A more plausible analogy can be found in the
Indian pueblos in the south-west of the United States; there one or more
continuous blocks of buildings, of several storeys, compose the entire village,
the social organisation is one of clans based on blood-relationship, and the
constitutional system is democratic. A communal burial-place lies near the
community-house. Nowadays each family may occupy a distinct, though
undctachcd, flat or house, but in the ruins of some ancient villages it is as
difficult to trace the boundaries between one habitation and another as at
Vasiliki; others clearly grew by a process of accretion. 13 The original motive
for such communal agglomerations must have been security. That is true
also of the less exact parallel of the modem Berber communities which live in
contiguous or adjacent individual rooms, suites or houses, w'herever they
preserve their democratic constitution, but where contaminated by Arab
feudalism, as in the Atlas of Morocco, are mainly accommodated in the
gigantic kasbah of the chief—a compromise between the Berber village and
the Arab palace. 14 In either case the building is liable to run up several
storeys. Sallust’s scanty data on the Libyan oppida and castella 15 do not

19 Pcndlebury, op. cit. 39, fig. 3.

n Ibid- 63, fig. 7.

11 If >id. 62, fig. 5; PM I 71, fig. 39; Seager Trans¬
actions of Pennsylvania Unic. Mus. I (1900J, 207, II (1907),

118.

’* Hewett Amer. Anthropologist XI (1909), 441.

‘‘ R. Montagnc, Villages et Kashas berberes; T.
Majorelle, Les Kasbahs de VAllas; Country Life Dec. 16,

' 949 . P- 1804—all on Morocco; Encyclopedia Italiana
s.v. ' Libia’ pis. VII-IX, ‘ Tripolitania ’ 376; Picture
Post Dec. 5, 1942, p. 13—all on Tripolitania; C.
Dalrymple Belgrave, Siwa ; R. Maugham, Journey
to Suva. There seems nothing as relevant in Algeria
(Randall-Maclver, Libyan Notes).

14 None yet found? Alleged examples (Oric Bates,
Eastern Libyans) do not meet the requirements.

THE ANCESTRY OF THE MINOAN PALACE 85

exclude the possibility that the ancestors of these Berbers may have inhabited
defensive agglomerations before 100 b.c. and if we could assume the custom
to be primaeval it would be tempting to invoke the archaeological indications
of a possible Libyan element in the Minoan population. However that may
be, it seems reasonable to take the two existing Berber systems of settlement,
the democratic and the feudal, as equivalent respectively to the Early Minoan
communal tenement and the Middle Minoan royal palace.

The impulse to build the first palaces would naturally have arisen from
knowledge of the oriental custom of accommodating the administrative
offices of a kingdom around the king’s person, and there are no grounds for
supposing that Crete became ripe for such centralisation before the Middle
Minoan epoch. The rambling ‘ agglutinative ’ habit of building, which had
been formed by the communal enterprises of the Early Minoans, would
necessarily have persisted for some generations; the almost wholesale replace¬
ment in M.M. Ill of the original palaces suggests that their standards no
longer gave satisfaction, and for all one can tell they may have been tran¬
sitional in type between the Vasiliki slum tenement and their successors. In
structural methods, at least, the continuity is obvious, but imitation of Syrian
practices caused innovations even in this respect at the beginning of M.M. I,
and others soon after. The changes in architectural design between E.M. II
and M.M. I—II seem mainly due to the Syrian connection, whereas the im¬
provement at M.M. III-L.M. I, especially in planning, may have incorporated
more Egyptian than Asiatic elements and in general may reflect the influence
of Egypt upon the sophistication induced by centuries of civilised life.

A. W. Lawrence

STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS IN HOMER AND HESIOD 1

Heavenly bodies figure in the works of both Homer and Hesiod, but their
functions in the two poems mainly concerned are very different, as accords

NOZWOH HlVQw

The comparison (X 26-32) of Achilles in armour moving over the field of
battle to a star presently described as the Dog of Orion has been criticised as

1 The author wishes to thank The Times newspaper dominated by Arcturus; (6) (no. 2) the last stage of
for permission to reproduce (from the issues of July 1st his gradual disappearance, when Arcturus has already
and December 1st, 1949) the diagrams fios. t and 2. vanished, but tlie hands of the Ploughman remain.
These maps of the heavens show (no. 1) the attitude of The first stars of Orion, above the Belt, are coming into
Bootes as described in the Phaenomena of Aratus 608-9, view; Sirius still lags far behind. See p. too.
rising in a horizontal position * all in one piece ’,

H. L. LORIMER

containing inconsistencies, but these are created by what appears to be a
mistranslation of eloiv as ‘ rises This rendering fixes the date on which the
simile is supposed to be applicable as that of the first visibility of the Dog
(otherwise Sirius) after his heliacal rising. In the virtually identical latitudes
of Helicon and Colophon Sirius would, c. July 9th, rise about twenty-one
minutes before the sun, which would allow him a number considerably less
before the growing light extinguished him and those other stars which,
according to the simile, he outshines. July 9th may'be taken as a working
date for his first visibility. Two questions arise: could Sirius on that date
be said to rise 6ucbpris and could attention be reasonably directed to his
conspicuous rays on the morning of his first visibility? To take the second
question first. It is well to recall the Alexandrian discovery that Homer
does not make epithets of invisible qualities, a restriction which here should
surely apply to the adjective dpljr^Xoi. Whether eIcjiv in an astronomical
connection is ever correctly rendered by 4 rises * is at least open to question; 2
in the closely comparable passage (X 317-8) less than three hundred lines
farther on, the translation is plainly impossible. The verb is in this case
closely connected with uet’ dcrrpdcn 3 and the evening star does not rise
simultaneously with a host of other stars; he moves on his way among them,
a translation of elm as natural here as in the description of the lion oot’ den

UOUEVOS Kdl dr|P£VOS {Z I 3 1 ) 1

The same explanation is applicable in X 27 If.; Achilles does not 4 rise ’
like a star, but is seen by Priam ranging over the field of battle. The belief
that the poet meant to give the date of the first visibility of Sirius has diverted
the attention of commentators from the dominant characteristics of the
season djrcbpii in Homer. It is of course the season of fruit, as &pos is of grain,
and is distinguished from &pos by the poet of the Odyssey (A 192-4). The
season there indicated, however, cannot cover all that was meant by 6-rrwpii,
for Laertes continued to sleep out in it, 4 whereas the adjective ducopivds is
associated both by Homer and Hesiod with violent rain. The second

meaning of the word—fruit—shews that we are not dealing with the strictly
delimited prrtSrTcopov or (peivdorcopov of the historic period, which according
to the calendar quoted in the medical tract uepl Stahls 5 opened with the

°L. U T , I**. *?? ^ J h ® proposed translation. The same interpretation

evnoiv), bothadd Krt 6t irp6 Amofxr* flirttv, rfm y6p holds for v 94, where the verb is fpxrtcn.

’ ‘ ? , 2a °.preposterously com- * Possibly also in X 27-8, in which case a comma

pounds hrt with' the verb, betraying an uneasy know¬
ledge that the equation rioiv — dwieiv at least needs
apology. In Y 226 the meaning ' moves on his way'
is appropriate, for the waning of the flames would
take some time. Granted that too much stress must
not be laid on the imperfect tuapoiirro followed by an
aorist, since the question of aorist and imperfect
in epic diction is often determined by metrical con¬
siderations alone, still the change of tense accords with

the proposed translation. The same interpretation
holds for v 94, where the verb is fpxcroi.

* Possibly also in X 27-6, in which case a comma
after ^cniwrcn is necessary.

1 As do the Greek peasant and his family to-day,
throughout the weeks of constant attention to the vines
which immediately precede the vintage, and the
vintage itself.

1 Hippocrates 3. 68 (Littrt vi, 594). The rele¬
vant part of the tract (which is a compilation) is not
later than the 4th century; see RE VIII 1820 ft.

STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS IN HOMER AND HESIOD 89

rising of Arcturus near the beginning of September and ended with the setting
of the Pleiades in November. The Farmer’s Year is in all times and places
mapped out but not filled by its major events, and those with which we are
concerned here arc primarily harvest and vintage. dncopTi no doubt began
in August with apples, pears and figs; these, however, make but a meagre
appearance in epic and (if w’e except the apples of the Hesperides) none at all
in Hesiod. The culminating event was the vintage, on which alone Hesiod’s
attention is fixed; he gives as its date the rising or rather the first visibility of
Arcturus. The average date of the Greek vintage is somewhere in the first
half of September; that of the first visibility of Arcturus would, c. 700, fall c.
September 8th. 6 The next event of importance is the breaking of the weather
and the falling of the first torrential rain; its date naturally varies with both
latitude and longitude. In Macedonia and on the west coast of Greece it
falls normally rather before the equinox, but in Attica, with which Boeotia
may be reckoned, towards the end of October. After this, fine and pleasant
weather may prevail for some time, and it is apparently in this period that
Hesiod bids the farmer seek his timber, urroTrcopivdv duppifaavros | Ztivos (Op.
415-6), when Zeus has finished the rains after the vintage. The word
prromopivdv does not occur in Homer and this, coupled with the fact that
Hesiod gives the iota its correct and un-epic quantity, 7 suggests that he as
using language near to that of everyday life. Whether the word means
‘ coming after the 6mbpq ’ or, as Mazon prefers, 8 * at the change-over from
6ircbpTi ’, the meaning must be limited to the first autumn rains, and it is
probable that these are also referred to in n 384-5.

The date of the vintage is farther but more loosely specified as that when
Orion and Sirius is u&tov £A6q. This brings us to the question whether
Arcturus or Sirius is to be identified with Homer’s dcrrrip dircopivos (E 5);
ancient scholars entertained some doubts on the subject. The case of X 27
was indeed settled by the identification with the Dog in 29, but over the star
of E 5, which one would suppose to be the same, the Scholia reveal a divergence
of opinion; A declares for the Dog, B for Arcturus, according to T it may be
either.

Hesiod’s mention of Sirius in connection with the vintage, of whose
approach he would be a more obvious celestial reminder than the still in¬
visible Arcturus, establishes his claim to be described as dorrip 6m»piv6s.
Since his heliacal rising he has been gaining ground at the rate of four minutes
each morning, and would therefore on September 8th appear a full three

4 For the importance of Arcturus in the shepherd’s ’ He also uses 6nupiv6{ with a short iota in 674, but
year see Sophocles, O.T. 1137, and for the date the reverts to the epic quantity in 677.
astronomical data in Jebb’s Appendix ad loc. The 4 Lts Trataux el Us Jours, 101, n. 2. The same ram
date September 8th above was calculated from Jebb’s is called *™ptv6s in 676.
date for 430 B.c.

H. L. LORIMER

hours earlier, the sun in the same period has been rising later at a daily rate
less indeed than in our own latitude, but since he must appear at 6 a.m. on
September 21st, he cannot on the 8th rise much if at all before 5-45. Sirius
therefore precedes him by more than three hours, throughout which his dpij^Aoi
cxuyal would catch the eye of anyone who happened to be awake and abroad.
At a date which may be put on an average about six weeks later the weather
breaks, there is a sharp fall in temperature, torrential rain drenches and soaks
the earth in the manner described in the magnificent simile of FT 384-5 fiuerr’
d-rrcopivcp otg Aa^pOTcrrov 05 cop j Zcvs-

The season of fever thus opens when Sirius is conspicuous in the sky, even
as here the common cold attends the first onset of wintry conditions. If the
proposed translation of slai as ‘ moves * be accepted, then every feature of the
simile in X perfectly accords with the part played by Sirius in dircbpr).

Truprrds, as Schol. A notes, is a ott. Asy. in epic, not very surprisingly, since
epic tends to ignore death from natural causes or ascribes it, in the case of the
great, to the arrows of Apollo or Artemis. More important is his remark that
the word must be taken in its literal sense and not as meaning the burning
heat of the atmosphere. This looks as though the supporters of the first
visible rising of Sirius as the date indicated, aware that there was nothing
particularly unhealthy about the following weeks, tried to find a way round
the difficulty by regarding the language as figurative. The determination
that eTcti should mean ‘ rises * may possibly be accounted for by the scientific
temper of the Alexandrian age, its interest in astronomy and its inclination to
talk about stars in terms of their rising and setting. 9 Modem commentators
on Homer have not as a rule had experience of the Acgacan area in summer
and autumn and have been content to take the period of the highest sun
temperatures as that in which fever may be expected.

It remains to discuss the obscure phrase wktos dpoXycp. Evidently
obsolescent in the day of Homeric epic, it occurs only four times in the
Iliad :—in A 173 and 0 324, in which it gives the time of night at which
beasts of prey attack flocks and herds, and in X 28 and 317 in similes whose
point is the brilliance of the star which appears prr’ dorpdat. The scholia
provide two interpretations—twilight, or more exactly, milking time, and
ueoovuktiov, dead of night. In the first two passages not only is the second
the obviously appropriate meaning; in O 324 it is guaranteed by the epithet
p£Aa(vr|s attached to wktos, and since both similes arc of a simple, tradi¬
tional type, it must be supposed to be the original significance, even if it were
later superseded by another. In the remaining two similes, however, it is
obvious that we arc not dealing with twilight; the point of the simile is the

• The importance of these and the difficulty of determining them must not be overlooked.

STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS IN HOMER AND HESIOD 91

brilliance not only of the specified star, but of the heavenly host which it
outshines, and for that complete darkness is necessary, though it need not be
that of midnight. When the season of fever begins, the Dog is in fact rising
long before midnight, as we have just seen; the Evening Star (otherwise
Venus) can be seen fairly late and in complete darkness. ‘ Darkness of night ’
seems therefore to meet every case of vvktos dpoXycp in the Iliad. The one
example furnished by the Odyssey (8 841) gives the time of Penelope’s awakening
and is therefore non-committal, but not adverse to this interpretation, which
is the only possible one in h. Merc. 7. In the fragment from the Heliades
of Aeschylus (Nauck 2 69) peXavt’Trrrov Trpoq>vyd>v Upas vuktos apoXydv it is
obviously from the darkness of night that the sun, crossing Ocean in his
golden bowl, has escaped, and Hesychius quotes duoXydv vuktc from Euri¬
pides as meaning vOktcx sexpspav xai okoteivt|v, though with the inevitable
addition ol 8e, ufpos vvkt8$ kcxQ’ 6 du&youcn. Milking must in fact be done
by daylight, and not deferred till the swiftly passing twilight of Greece.
Scanty as the evidence is, it suggests that the genuine tradition lasted on into
the 5th century and that only the disastrous resemblance of the word to milk
led the etymologically minded, possibly Sophists, to the creation of the second
meaning. 10 The phrase at least does nothing to invalidate the interpretation
proposed for the simile in X.

Star similes are not frequent in Homer, and in the two or three which.do
not specify a particular star there is nothing to interest us. In the four
remaining examples, where the object is to single out a hero or some object
associated with him for special emphasis, the star is made identifiable, though
except in X 29 no proper name is used. In the first of our instances (E 5-6)
the dorrip 6ircopiv6s is compared to the flame which Athene kindles on the
helmet of Diomede when he is about to embark on the unprecedented
adventure of assaulting divinity itself, but—since nothing tragic is to come of it
—in a form appropriately short and simple, with no ominous implications.

10 An analogous misunderstanding probably under¬
lies the name and character of the Chimaera. The
monster lived in Anatolia and had been reared by
Amisodaros, father of two of the followers of Sarpedon;
his name is of a non-Greek type which has a parallel
in that of a Carian Pixodaros mentioned by Herodotus
(V 1 18). It is evident that the earliest Greek repre¬
sentations of the Chimaera arc not spontaneous
creations generated by a foreign fairy-tale, but labori¬
ous attempts to render all the supposed ingredients of
the subject. The most rebellious is the young nanny-

C l whose head—nothing could be done about the
y—protrudes from the lion’s back and makes the
entire reconstruction look farcical. One poet at least
did his best to make the creature ominous by associating
the nanny-goat with that sacrificed before battle to
Artemis Agrotera; this is Iphigenia’s role in the
sacrifice at Aulis (Aesch. Ag. 232), a point noticed by

many scholars and now by LS*, but not by the com¬
mentators. It is even possible that Kpd*oo

S . 23a) refers to the kpo«wt 6* worn by the girl
rated to the service of Artemis Brauronia and
Munichia in expiation, according to Schol. cd Ar.
Lyiiit. 645, of the abominable sacrifice of a tame l*ar
to Artemis by the Athenians in a time of famine.
Such misunderstandings often arise from an attempt
to give a meaning to a foreign word. Birdcage Walk
and Rotten Row are familiar examples; bully beef is
believed to be the British soldier’s rendering of the
boeuf bouilli issued to him in tins during his service in
France in the first world war. At some date in the
1920s a London policeman whose chest was decorated
with a row of ribbons wound up his directions to the
present writer with a warning against a blind alley :
' And don’t you go down there; that’s a coal-sack ’.
This usage seems to have been ephemeral.

H. L. LORIMER

Next (A 62) come the superb comparison of Hector ranging the battle-field as
he marshals his host to the oOXtos derr^p now appearing in a gap among the
clouds, now vanishing behind them; ancient authority identified this star
with the Dog, with a reference to the passage in X. 11 This latter, the third of
our similes, has been adequately discussed, and it is at first sight surprising
that the poet who applied this image to the splendour of Achilles, sinister and
appalling in the eyes of the agonised Priam, should have ventured to use it
again (317-8) with only the slightest of alterations and without so much as a
change of scene. Not idly, however, is the spear of Achilles, gift of the gods
and of his father, which he alone could wield, and therefore sole remnant of
the panoply the rest of which Patroklos took into battle and Hector now
wears—not idly is that spear, the destined instrument of Hector’s death, com¬
pared to the star of evening 65 KdAAicrros £v oupavco Tcrrcrrai dan'ip. More
familiar to us as the planet Venus, it vies in its dazzling brilliance with Sirius
himself.

It would not be right here to regard forrcpos as a proper name; it is no
more than an epithet sufficient, like dmopivos, for identification. The same
applies to &oaq>6pos in Y 226, even if the word were original and not, pace
Wackernagel, 12 an Attic substitute of later, though still early days. The
original word here must have been do-rrip, as a comparison with v 93-4
suffices to shew.

It is natural that the poet of the Iliad should have no interest in constel¬
lations; but the case of Hesiod is different. In a simple society interest in
astronomy is purely practical and related primarily to agriculture. In a
society which may be highly sophisticated it serves other practical ends, those,
namely, of navigation. There can be no doubt that the Greeks of the Late
Bronze Age, the empire-builders of Mycenae, must have known all that there
was to know of the astronomy of their day. In the 8th century those days
were in a certain limited sense coming back again; after a period of isolation
from all overseas intercourse such as never again befell or could befall her,
Greeks were once more beginning to sail the Mediterranean, and piracy was
once more one of the professions open to a gentleman. Hence Odysseus is
quite able to understand the sailing orders given him by Calypso in terms of
constellations—single stars are not of much use for navigation—Pleiades,
Bootes, and the Bear, also called the Wain, who keeps an eye on the Bear and
alone of the constellations never bathes in Ocean (e 272 ff).

The Spools or descriptive set piece, of which the Shield of Achilles is the
supreme example, shares with the Homeric simile the privilege of introducing

11 Schol. A identifies with the Dog, offering no authority for the Dog and for hi* deadly presage. T
alternative, so does B with the alternative, obviously explains as ‘ perhaps Y a comet, offering no alternative,
impossible, of a comet; both refer to X 26 ff. as “ Sprdchlkhe UnUrtuehungtn &t Homer, 100 ff.

STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS IN HOMER AND HESIOD 93

objects and practices which arc outside the range of ordinary epic narrative.
This greatly increases the difficulty of deciding in the case of the Shield whether
the successive scenes are all of one date, be it in the Bronze Age or the poet’s
own day, or whether there has been in the interval a successive ousting of
some items and replacement by others more modern; finally, there is the
question whether any additions are of a date later than that of the poet of the
Iliad. That a work of this type is peculiarly open both to accretion and
interpolation is obvious. Of the latter the Ker is an unmistakable example;
the passage has simply been transferred from the Hesiodic Scutum (156-9).
Each scene must therefore be scrutinised before it can be accepted as part of the
Homeric Shield. It may seem wanton to attack a passage whose genuineness
is so generally accepted as is that of 2 486-9, yet it must rank as a suspicious
circumstance that 486 is identical w-ith Hesiod Op. 615 and 487-9 with e 273-5.
It is generally assumed that Hesiod and the poet of the Odyssey borrowed from
the Iliad , but it is equally possible that the process was the reverse of this and
that a later bard took the lines from their original contexts and inserted them
in 2, notably disturbing the balance of the passage. The motive for the
insertion is probably to be found in the obscure word Telpea 33 in 485, whose
meaning it was desired to fix beyond dispute before it vanished from memory.
As has been noted above, the lines from the Odyssey are perfectly at home
there and the line from Hesiod in the Opera ; as subjects of representational art
the constellations, especially the dim cluster of the Hyades, are surely peculiar. 14

Turning to X 29-31, we are struck by a similar disturbance in the propor¬
tions of the simile and also by the misuse of ^ikX^ctiv ‘ by nickname ’; this
should follow the mention of the principal name which is here withheld. 15 It

14 Ttpfow is quoted from Alcaeus by Eustathius in
his comment on this passage; see Bergk, 4 Ale. fr. 155.
Otherwise the only appearance of the word is in h.
Mart. 7, where it is plainly an epic ornament borrowed
from Z. No kinship is recognised by philologists
between Tilpra and oilpia, apparently a manufactured
plural of o«4p:os, designed to emphasise the supposed
connection with -nljxa, but this aoes not rule out an
ancient confusion between the two. Hence might
arise the view that oslpta meant stars in general, a
sense in which it is used by Ibycus (Bergk.* Ib. fr. 3,
Diehl fr. 12); cf. the lexicographers and Schol. ad
Ap. Rhod. Argon. II 517.

!4 It is true that on two monuments of the Late
Bronze Age, the Great Goddess ring from Mycenae
[JIIS XXI (1901), to8 fig. 4) and the Genii ring from
the Tiryns hoard (AM LV (1930), Beilage XXX 2),
the sun and moon figure as a highly conventionalised
motif, one therefore which must have been common
form in contemporary art and may have become
traditional in some h&xson —obviously not that of the
Shield of Achilles. The Great Goddess ring dates to
the end of the Shaft-grave period, that of the Genii is
possibly a little earlier; both are products of Minoan
inspiration, possibly of Minoan execution as well.
On both the sun and moon are placed in a sort of

exergue which surmounts the main design; in each
the sun, a disc with a number of radii, is placed to the
right, the sickle-shaped moon to the left, on the
Tiryns ring resting on its tips in a horizontal position;
the" 1 phase ‘therefore has no significance. The exergue
is separated from the main design on the Mycenae ring
by a pair of wavy parallel lines, on that from Tiryns
by a single line also wavy; this may be a mere con¬
vention or it may represent the horizon. The back¬
ground of the sun and moon on the Goddess ring is left
clear, that on the Tiryns ring is filled with a scries of
closely set pimples, divided by four branches into five
sections. The meaning of these is disputed. They
have been claimed as stars; if this is the solution we
may possibly have in them the ultimate source of our
r»ip«a. They seem, however, too thickly sown. As
it is generally agreed that the Genii are performing a
rite designed to promote fertility, it is conceivable that
the pimples represent seed or the surface of land for its
reception.

14 H 138, Z 487, « 273. It is true that in X 506
there is no mention of the principal name Skamandnos,
but we already know from Z 402, in a passage which
Andromache's lament vividly recalls, that this was the
name given by Hector to his son.

H. L. LORIMER

is true that this line does not occur elsewhere, but the presence of brlKAticnv
strongly suggests that it was taken from a context where it was preceded by a
line in which the star was given its work-a-day name of Sirius. Why that
name is studiously excluded from Homer we can only surmise; probably,
since its associations were primarily agricultural, it was felt to be beneath the
dignity of epic style. Yet the identity of the star must be fixed beyond
dispute and so X 29 was interpolated, taken, there can be little doubt, from
some Hesiodic poem now lost. Boeotians were much preoccupied with Orion,
their local celebrity, putative son of Hyrieus, the eponymous hero of Hyria.
Hesiod already knows of his dealings with the Pleiades (Op. 619-20), though
he does not mention that they brought him first death and then stellification;
such themes are alien to the Opera. Corinna was fascinated by him, and even
the cosmopolitan Pindar makes a passing reference to the affair of the Pleiades
(Ncm. II 17), but in an ode addressed to a near neighbour, a victor from
Acharnae, and in a lost dithyramb, an article for home consumption
(Strabo 404).

Lack of epic dignity may also account for the suppression of e 272, in which
the name Bootes occurs, and the insertion as 2 486 of Hes. Op. 615 and there¬
with of the Hyades, than which it would be hard to find a constellation less

suitable for decorative purposes. That the name Bootes does not occur in
Hesiod is at first sight surprising, but is explained by the fact that Arcturus is
far the brightest star in the constellation and also an approximately precise
guide for a particular day, e.g ., that of the beginning of spring or of the vintage.
The description ‘ late-setting ’ refers not to the hour of his nightly
disappearance,which must be earlier each evening, but to the slow and gradual
character of his all but total vanishing from the night sky, which as Aratus
notes ( Phaen. 581-9, 721-3) is spread over four Signs of the Zodiac and even
at the end of it leaves his hands visible. This is due to the fact that throughout
his setting he is in a vertical position and continues to be a valuable guide to
sailors until near the end. When the time of his reappearance comes he is
horizontal and mounts aloft ‘all in one piece’, dominated by Arcturus
(Phaen. 608-9) and consequently is deprived of all independent value. Hesiod
uses the verb PocoteTv 1 to plough with oxen ’ 16 and pocb-ois is used as a common
noun meaning £ ploughman ’ by Lycophron (Alex. 268) and one or two
other late authors and apparently has no other meaning. 17 Hesiod has no
occasion to use it, for ploughing was done by master and men alike (Op. 459).
Only the plough-ox is called dpo-n'ip (ibid. 405).

‘rSffi ’ hat ,hc ,ruc mcaningofBoro,ia 2!T2S ** *

S*™" or ,hc and Etcc,

plough, as his marriage to Chihonia shews (Apollod. I meaning boukolos.

Fig. 4.—The Farmer’s Year. 18

age, we are virtually ignorant. Aratus was apparently well aware that the
bear was really a plough, but was debarrcdfrom saying so. Cf. fig. 3- 17fl The
lines

’E^6tti0£v 6 ’ ‘EAi’ktis <peprrcn iAdovn £oikcos

*ApKTo«pvAa§ t 6 v (5‘ 6 v 8 pes hrmAeloucn Bcxottiv,

ouvex’ dpa^airi^ irrcNpwnEvos cISetoi “Apicrou ( Phaen . 91 — 3 )

describe the action of a ploughman and none but a ploughman, and the object
on which he lays his hand is the fytth ]; the man who drives a waggon sits
in front. Both scenes are charmingly illustrated on a ‘ Kleinmeister ’ cup
(6th cent.) (fig. 4) 18 and also by Hesiod (Op. 467 If.). None the less the

lu Its close resemblance to the plough on the has been known as the Plough.

Kleinmeister cup is obvious and accounts for the fact 11 Reproduced from Mug III 248.
that in so many regions and periods the Great Bear

H. L. LORIMER

constellation offers a very fair suggestion of a primitive cart, and its tradition
lived on in the astronomy of mediaeval Europe, first as Arthur’s Wain, owing
to a confusion with Arcturus, and then because of the association of Arthur and
Charlemagne, as Charles’s Wain. 19 By that name as well as that of the Plough
it was familiar to the generation which to-day is fast disappearing; probably
the name is going or already gone. The really perplexing item is the Great
Bear, who according to Greek mythology (for in ordinary life the feminine
definite article applied equally to both sexes) is the She Bear. It is not difficult,
though not particularly obvious, to see in the seven stars of the Wain the
figure of a quadruped, 20 the four stars which mark the angles of a quadrilateral
indicating the limits of body and legs and the remaining three being allocated
to the tail; this presumably is how the poet of the Odyssey saw his bear. In
later astronomy the four stars are limited to one-half of the hindquarters, but
the three are throughout history assigned to the tail. For a feline they would
make a good tail, but they are wholly unlike the stumpy appendage of a bear.
It is true that many still more fantastic names arc applied to the Signs of the
Zodiac and other constellations recognised by Eudoxus; they had to be
named and they did not resemble anything. Hesiod and the Odyssey are far
removed from those days; we must seek rather some conception more
primitive than those of plough and cart to account for the name of the constel¬
lation. Bears abounded in Greece, on Parncs, on Taygetus, in Arcadia, 21 but
the Greeks of the historic period took very little notice of them; they play a
restricted role in mythology and none at all in art. It is in the relation of the
constellation to Artemis that we must seek the original importance of
the bear, but its record is dim and meagre. True, bear (and wolf) figure in the
revolting holocaust offered to Artemis Laphria by the people of Patrae, 22 but
it is evident that no special significance attaches to either. Of more interest
is the small ivory figure of a bear found among the archaic votives of Artemis
Orthia at Sparta, supplemented somewhat doubtfully by a very rough
terra-cotta and far outnumbered by the votives of lions and other animals. It
is an original primitive relation between goddess and bear that we must seek,
and it is perhaps indicated in the mythological account of Kallisto and Artemis,
one of whose most frequent cult-names is Kalliste. Kallisto is changed into
a bear by Zeus, who hoped thus to conceal his misconduct; she is detected by
Hera and shot dead at her bidding by Artemis. In a version which comes
nearer to the original conception Artemis slays her without prompting to
punish her lapse; in either case Zeus by way of compensation for her sufferings

'• See NED s. r. 1 Wain '.

10 Eskimo* of Alaska and certain Indian tribe* of N.
America have named the constellation a bear, but the
Iroquois at least have restricted the animal to the four

stars and in the three see three hunters who pursue
him. See Frazer, Pausanias. IV 191.

STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS IN HOMER AND HESIOD 97

places her as a constellation in the sky. This is a relatively late and quite
conventional talc; there is, however, one fragment of tradition respecting
Brauron which preserves in a tangle of obscurities and distortions a less
sophisticated form of the story. The picture which emerges from the ancient
sources 23 is that of a bear offered to Artemis as her proper sacrificial victim,
with the possibility in the background that bear and goddess were once
identical.

If we go on to ask why the Wain survived while the Plough vanished from
the sky, the answer may be that whereas agriculture was unimportant in the
economy of the Mycenaean empire and probably practised only by men of
pre-Hellenic speech, transport w^as of supreme importance in building that
empire up. The ruts cut in the flags that pave the Lion gateway at Mycenae
were not made solely nor, we may surmise, mainly to facilitate the passage
of chariots going forth to war, but rather that of heavy waggons carrying goods
on their passage from the Gulf of Argos to that of Corinth. It is true that
already in the days.of the Shaft-graves Mycenae was a highly important
entrepot in the trade which has left a trail from Egypt to Britain, but it is safe
to say that in those days wheeled transport was unknown in Greece; the
carriage of goods must have been by pack-animal alone. Plorse and chariot
figure on the stelai of the Shaft-graves, but the war-chariot certainly came
from the East by way of Anatolia, whereas the waggon no less incontestably
came from Central Europe where it was invented at a date determinable only
w'ithin wide limits, i.e., in the centuries immediately before and after 1500.
Within this period the bridle-bit essential for the control of the harnessed horse
appears for the first time at Toszeg in Hungary. 24 To the same period must
be ascribed the substantial remains of two wooden wheels found in the terra-
mara of Mercurago 25 ; both are composite, but whereas one is not very far
removed from the solid type, the other is of the comparatively elaborate form
known for some decades from the second half of the 6th century onwards on
Attic and Boeotian vases; the ‘ Klcinmcister * cup cited above affords an
admirable example. Actual remains of a wooden cart are not to be looked for
in the soil of Greece; the ruts of the Lion gateway arc our first evidence for the
transport of goods by waggon in Greece, and may be fairly near the date of its
introduction. On their arrival in Greece the men of the Waggon would
find their constellation established as the Bear and probably also as the
sailor’s guide; for though the first Greek-speakers, who represent the Middle
Hclladic period or Middle Bronze Age, did not venture far abroad, they seem

** Schol. ad Arisioph. Lysisl. 645, Bekker, Ann. I, pp. 58. 59. The more advanced type haj a diametric bar
444-5. pierced at the centre with a hole to receive the end of

** C. Hawkes, The Prehistoric Foundations of Europe, the axle; a pair of cross-pieces arc fixed one above, one
341. belov/ the axle-hole and at right angles to the bar.

n R. Munro, Lake Dwellings of Europe, 208, 209, figs.

H. L. LORIMER

undoubtedly to have navigated the Aegacan or at least its northern half.
They must in fact have arrived by sea, for there is no trace of a progress through
Thessaly; they must have come, directly or indirectly, from the region north
of the Aegaean and come by sea. Nor did commerce cease with their occupa¬
tion of the mainland. Early Helladic ware, which had been exported from
Greece to Troy from a late stage of the First City to the end of the Fifth, gives
place in the Sixth (c. 1900) to ‘Minyan * in all its varieties, presumably imported
in part at least from the same source. This is succeeded by the wares of Late
Helladic I, II, and III, the most abundant being Mycenaean and Cypriot
ware of the early fourteenth century. The destruction of the Sixth City by
an earthquake c. 1350 b.c. suspended and almost extinguished the traffic. 26
Throughout the period described the traders could have had no better
guidance than that of Arktos , and from the beginning of L. H. Ill the pro¬
moters of wheeled transport must also have relied on it—but possibly with a
difference. It is difficult to see how the name Amaxa could have survived at
all if the Mycenaeans of L. H. Ill—the Achaeans—had not maintained it.
With such a past record and such actual importance, though the bear could
not be ousted, the cart could not be allowed to pass into oblivion, and one
accidental circumstance may have contributed to establish the double
nomenclature. It is impossible here to trace the sea routes followed by Crete
until the extinction of her commerce by Mycenae and the Mycenaean settle¬
ments in Miletus, Cos, Rhodes, and elsewhere, but her relations with Ugarit
in Middle Minoan days, and subsequently with Byblos and Egypt, shew her
familiar with the ports of the Eastern Mediterranean. She had doubtless
her own names for the sailor’s constellations, but she would probably also learn
the Babylonian nomenclature. According to this the name of the Great
Bear was eriqqu with the meaning of ‘ waggon ’. Eriqqu , however, represents
the ideogram by which the word is almost invariably represented; there is
some reason to think that it was feminine, in which case the full form would be
eriqqatu. For this erimmalu ‘ necklace ’, with the ideogram erimmu, affords a
parallel. If the Mycenaeans either picked up this name and its meaning for
themselves as the range of their seafaring extended or, as is perhaps more
probable, acquired it from the Minoans in their early contacts with them, they
may have associated the word itself with arktos and been the readier to accept
a compromise. Amaxa (to give the word the form common in modern texts
of Hesiod) is of uncontcstcd I-E. origin, as is arktos and, incidentally, ursa,
derived by a different line of descent from the same root.

It is possible to follow with tolerable certainty the course of the seasons and
the tasks allotted to them in the Opera, though of course precision is not to be

** See C. Blcgcn, BSA XXXVII 8 IT., ‘ New Evidence for ihe Dating of the Settlements at Troy ’.

STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS IN HOMER AND HESIOD 99

looked for in any Farmer’s Year; moreover, the year is not yet divided into
four equal periods of three months, as we find it in the days of Hippocrates.
Hesiod begins by giving us two fixed dates for certain operations, those of the
rising (383 ff.) and the setting (615) of the Pleiades; of these the first marks
the time of harvest, the second the best date for the sowing, which takes place
at the autumn ploughing. Bearing in mind that we have to do with the first
visible rising and the last visible setting before sunrise, we may put the rising
about May 15th and the setting about November 4th. 27 At the rising the
saw-edged sickle is already being rasped in preparation for the harvest; spring,
the hungry season, is just over. 28 The acronychal rising of Arcturus
(&KpoKveq>atos, Op. 567) c. February 21st means that he now appears as an
evening star and shines all night. This is the signal for the pruning of the
vines, which should be done before the arrival of the swallow; the date of this
event must be variable, but would normally fall within the first half of March.
That digging the vineyard was carried on until harvest is implied in 571 ff.,
but the major event between the appearance of Arcturus and the beginning
of harvest is the first ploughing of the fallow, i.e., of the land which has lain
idle for the past ten months, ever since it yielded the harvest of the preceding
year. 29 This is a heavy job, for which oxen must be used; there can be no
doubt that Mazon is right in ascribing its performance to the period preceding
harvest and in applying to it the verb pocoreiv (391) 30 ; the immediately
preceding crrrdpEiv refers to the supreme event of the sowing (and ploughing)
in autumn. That the fallow was thrice ploughed between the acronychal
rising of Arcturus in February and the onset of winter is certain, though
Hesiod does not mention it when he first introduces the theme of ploughing
(383 ff.); this is because he is here chiefly concerned to stress the importance
of achieving the three supreme and most arduous tasks of the year—the first
ploughing, the harvest, the third ploughing when the seed is sown and
which in another passage he refers to merely as the sowing (462) 31 —in
weather in which a man can work yupv6s, i.e., wearing nothing but his
chiton; only if these time limits are observed will the maximum crop be
obtained. To the third ploughing he refers once more in the course of his
perfunctory remarks on navigation; when the Pleiades set, leave the sea,

,T The following dales are roughly calculated from
Hofmann’s table, which gives the first visible risings
and settings of the stars and constellations in the
latitude of Athens and the year 430 b.c. ; see RE VI
cols. 2427—8 ( s.o. ‘ Fixstcme ’). Owing to the pre¬
cession of the equinoxes these dates arc later than they
were in the time of Hesiod. Mazon {Us Travaux el Its
Jours , 96, n. 3) took 750 b.C. as a conventional floruit
for Hesiod, and advanced the dates of 430 b.c. by five
days; as the tendency has since been to reduce this
date to 700 b.c. or slightly later, an advance of four

days is made in this paper.

'• Cf. Aleman 7 6&‘ 5 6D.

*' The plough land of each holding was equally
divided, and each half bore a crop only once in two
years. This was an axiom of Greek farming in the
historic period.

,0 Op. at., 97.

81 On the shield of Achilles (Z 541-2) the first and
last are selected for representation; vu6v paXoxty corre¬
sponds to xcx^ijooacv fipovpov (Op. 463).

100

H. L. LORIMER

mindful of the ploughing to be done (618-23), thus he carries our minds back
to the programme laid down in 383-4/ The second ploughing, a minor
operation, comes up for notice in 462, where it is assigned to the season of
summer; again Mazon is undoubtedly right in his contention that it was
carried out with a team of mules. 32 Mules receive scant attention from
Hesiod, but are mentioned near the beginning of the poem (46), where they
are coupled with oxen as having comparable functions in agriculture. Our
next astronomical date is the rising of Orion, i.e. Betclgcuse, the first of his stars
to appear above the horizon; this would become visible c. July 4th. Now is
the time to winnow the corn, measure, store it iv < 5 yy£cnv 33 and carry it home
(597 ff-)- This activity, however, should be preceded by a holiday for master
and (presumably) man after the fatigues of harvest and when the heat of
summer has become formidable (582-96). This should begin when the
skolymos , a plant of the thistle type, comes into bloom and that, as Theophrastus
tells us, 34 is about the time of the summer solstice, which would leave nearly
a fortnight’s interval before the resumption of work c. July 4th. Obviously
the five weeks which elapse between May 15th and the solstice are more than
sufficient for the harvesting; in the days immediately succeeding its comple¬
tion the second ploughing must have been done. Only to this ploughing can
the statement in the Iliad (K 531-3) apply that mules are better than oxen at
drawing the plough with the implication that they cover the ground more
quickly.

The reason given for the exhaustion which necessitates a holiday is inter¬
esting. It is Sirius who enfeebles men, parching head and legs (587),
reinforcing with his sinister might the natural heat of the summer sun;
lagging behind Orion, he will not be visible till c. July 24th. Later in the
year, when Zeus has drenched the earth with the rains which mark the close
of the first part of 67uopn and inaugurate the second, prromopov, men feel
themselves lightened and go out into the woods to seek timber, for Sirius is
no longer over their heads in working hours, but for the most part can be seen
in the night sky (417). Hesiod, it may be noted, is perfectly aware that Sirius
is not sunk beneath Ocean but invisibly present in the summer sky whence he
exercises his baneful influence. Nothing is said about autumn fevers; it is
possible that agricultural workers, probably the earliest to bed in any com¬
munity, escaped the most dangerous hours by being under cover.

The only other mention of Sirius in the Opera is coupled with that of
Arcturus; when the latter once more ( c . September 8th) becomes visible

** Op. cit., in. We find confirmation on the poet; a carl drawn by a pair of mules conveys two large
‘ Kleinmeister ’ cup, on which both ox and mule teams pithoi, the regular storage vessels of ancient Greece,
are represented ploughing. ** HP VI4,4; cf. VII 15,1.

** Here again the ‘ Kleinmeister ’ cup illustrates the

STARS AND CONSTELLATIONS IN HOMER AND HESOID ior

before sunrise, Orion and Sirius ‘ have come into the midst ’, Sirius having
become-visible a little after midnight, lagging some way behind Orion. From
Sophocles’ herdsman ( 0 . 7 *. 1137) we learn that the rising of Arcturus gives
the date for bringing down the flocks from the mountain; Hesiod gives it
as the date for plucking the grapes and bringing them home. We now see why
Arcturus appears in neither Iliad nor Odyssey. His functions (since for navi¬
gation, which would have given him a higher social status, sailors preferred
the whole constellation) interest the agricultural community alone. As he is
less brilliant than Sirius, he is not likely to figure in a simile in his own right;
that is the due of Sirius, dazzling and ominous. His name too is sullied by
ignoble use and cannot figure in epic. The faithful Argos of the Odyssey has
his place in heroic story and affords no parallel; Orion is no more a hero
than Bootes. It is in anonymous majesty that Sirius adorns the Iliad.

H. L. Lorimer

4 NUMEROUS YEARS OF JOYFUL LIFE’
FROM MYCENAE.

We must bear in mind two fundamental facts, which arc basic to the
theme of this paper: first, that Egypt more than any other land has influenced
the Minoan-Mycenaean civilisation, and second, that the free adaptation and
fusion of Egyptian motives is a typical phenomenon of Aegean art and
mentality.

Something has already been written about Egyptian influence in the art
of the Shaft Graves of Mycenae. 1 I hope to show, in a forthcoming paper,
that this connection is even greater, extending its influence not only in art
(in just that point the influence is not great), but also and especially in
material matters and in deep religious and funerary ideas. Here we will
discuss a very well known and ‘ curious ’ object of early Mycenaean art, the
gold and silver pin from the Third Shaft Grave (fig. i).

The head of this pin shows a curious representation, which, according to
Professor Karo’s description, is the following: 2 a goddess, clad in the usual
Minoan fashion, bears upon her head a double ‘ Volutengebilde ’ ending in
three papyrus-like flowers at the summit. Three similar plants, but with
long stems, bend downwards on each side, bearing only on the outer margin of
each a series of foliations. Their ends show on each flower a disc-shaped
object (‘ fruit ’ ?). Towards this arched object the woman stretches her arms,
as if she wished to avoid the weight of the branches. At the same time some¬
thing like a double chain seems to hang from her outstretched hands.

The subject has been treated by the late Valentin Muller in relation to
the Hittite religious world. He concluded that it is a misinterpreted repre¬
sentation showing the Oriental goddess in the act of stripping herself. Here,
he believes, we have to do with a mortal woman who, owing to the mis¬
interpreted gesture of the Oriental Goddess, seems to undress herself, while at
the same time she is represented fully clad. The branches on either side,
he believes, are the misinterpreted arch over the Asiatic Goddess, which may
be a canopy or grotto or aedicula.

It is clear that a misinterpretation and transformation to such a degree is
extremely improbable. That the double object held by the woman (the
‘ chain ' of Karo) cannot be a misinterpreted skirt, intended to be drawn up,

1 Prof. A. Peroon has dedicated a special chapter
Mycenae and Egypt ’) to this subject in his book
New Tombs at Dendra, 194a, 176 f. Criticisms by
Helene Kantor, The Aegean and Vu Orient in the Seeond

Millenium, 19x7, 33 f.

* Die Sckachtgraber oon Mykenae, 1930-33, 54-55, no.
75, pi. XXX. Thence our fig. i.

‘NUMEROUS YEARS OF JOYFUL LIFE’ 103

is shown by the Aegina jewel (see below and fig. 7), where this enigmatic
obje9t reappears, this time with a male figure. 3

I believe, following in the direction taken by the late Sir Arthur
Evans, that the chief influence upon almost every aspect of the Minoan-
Mycenaean world is that of Egypt. It has been justly remarked that works

Fig. 1.—Gold and Silver Pin, Mycenae.

of Oriental origin found in Aegean territories can be discussed in a page,
but on the corresponding Egyptian ones a whole book has been written. 4
Moreover, the fact that in our case we have to do with a papyrus-like combina¬
tion as chief motive entitles us to look to Egypt for a possible explanation of
our representation.

* Val. Mailer, AM XLIII (1918), 153 f. The and fig. 177. ... , ,

Aegina treasure, Marshall, BMC Jetullery, pi. VII ‘ J. Pmdlebury, Atgffituxo. I am glad to see that
762 and p. 54. Most recent discussion by Prof. Martin such an eminent authority as Prof. M. Nilsson propound*
Nilsson, Mtnoan-MjKfnaean R/ligion (2nd. cd. 1950). 3*>7 ' hc ideas, loc. ril. 8-9.

104

SP. MARINATOS

In connection with that country, the classical one for traditional and elabor¬
ately allegoric motives, we have to emphasise the following facts for our present
purpose. Among the numerical signs of Egypt, that of ‘ one thousand ’ was

represented by the lotus (|), which one could see in thousands all over the

country; the sign for ‘ one hundred thousand ’ was the tadpole ( ), which

lived in countless numbers in the Egyptian waters. Even for the expression
‘ a million ’ the Egyptians had created a sign. It is in very common use for
expressing the wish ‘ millions of years or simply ‘ innumerable years ’,
addressed to the kings. It is constituted by a curved object, which bears

foliations only on the outer margin ( | or ^|).

On the other hand, a squatting figure with upraised hands ) means

a * countless number as if to express the idea of a man astonished by a huge
quantity. A standing man with similarly upraised hands means ‘ joy ’

(]f)- The sign for ‘millions of years’ is represented as a single object,

or two symmetrically repeated and held by the squatting man or god

Some explained it as a palm-branch, but I incline rather to the explanation
given by Erman. In the case of kings, he says, it is a reminiscence of the
original ‘ Kerbstock the primitive wooden stick, upon which the incisions
represented the years of the king. 5

To give a complete picture of the whole Egyptian allegory here involved
we choose a gold inlaid pectoral of the Pharaoh Senusert II (fig. 2). It was
found in the grave of Sat-hathor-iunut, daughter of Senusert, at Lahun. 6
The central part shows a ‘ kneeling man ’ (better—because of the beard—a
squatting god), holding ‘ palm-branches ’ (better, the double ‘ Kerbstock ’),
which is our symbol for ‘ millions of years ’. On the outer margin of these
two symbols, which bend symmetrically from the top of the head of the god,
we sec the ‘ incisions * representing the years of the king. They have, how¬
ever, the form of a series of little rounded leaves. On the arm of the god a
suspended tadpole represents a further ‘ hundred thousand years ’. The
central representation is flanked by two falcons, the symbol of the Sun god
Horus. Each bird stands with one foot upon a disc, doubtless the solar disc.

* I must apologise for the almost complete lack of
Egyptian books of reference in Athens. I can cite only
a feu* books: Erman-Ranke. Agypten urd dgyptisches
l^ben. (1923' ,396 and 434; Erman , Die Hieroglyph
* 5 ; * he sign * millions of years e.p. double
on the chair of Tutankhamen. H. Schafer. Amonxa in Re-
ligion vndhunst (1931) pi. 63 (according to Carter-
Mace, The Tomb of Tutankh-amen pi. 60); Egyptian

Museum of Cairo, A Brief Description of the Principal
Monuments (1946), Tomb of Tutankhamen, no. 378
(mirror case in the form of this symbol). Single, op.
cit., nos. 6-9; Erman-Ranke op. cit., 396, Jig. 37 1 »
thence our no. .pi below.

* The figure and the chief elements of the description
are from M. RostovtzelT, A History of the Ancient World,
The Orient and Greece, 54 and pi. XIII 1.

■NUMEROUS YEARS OF JOYFUL LIFE 5 105

while the other foot grasps the symbol ‘ millions of years ’; again upon the
heads of the birds is the solar disc in combination with the uraeus , from which
the symbol of life (AM) is suspended. The whole means clearly ‘ hundred
thousands and millions of years of life and this wish is addressed to the king,
whose cartouche stands over the head of the squatting god.

Let us return now to the pin of the Third Shaft Grave. We have, I
believe, just the same subject, but it was impossible or unnecessary for the

Fro. 2.— Pectoral of Senusert II, Lahun.

Minoan craftsman to enter all the mysteries, which we have described, of the
Egyptian allegory. He probably knew about the numerical value of the
lotus, but employed the papyrus-flower, because, as we shall sec, he had his
own reasons. 6 " Three flowers, at the top of the representation, are employed
for his purpose. He bends an equal number of flowers on each side to form
a symmetrical canopy, which he knew to mean ‘ millions of years It

u Lotus and papyrus arc interchangeable even in instance, F. Poulsen, Dei Orient urj die fruhgrieehiseke
Egyptian art; sometimes the lotus-complex appears Kunst 66, fig. 67.
in hybridised forms of lily-shaped flowers. Sec, for

io6

SP. MARINATOS

is extremely interesting that he supplies the stems only on the outer margin
with the leaf-shaped ornament of the ‘ Kerbstock ’, which he saw in some work
like the pectoral of Senusert. It is too detailed an adjunct to be fortuitous
in both cases. Furthermore we shall seek for an explanation of the disc¬
shaped object (the ‘ fruit ’ ?), because it is not likely that we have to do with the
solar disc of the Senusert pectoral.

The figure, a goddess undoubtedly, supports the whole construction with
extended and only slightly upraised hands. She is standing, not squatting.
This should mean therefore ‘joy’, and the whole should be read ‘Countless
joyful years ’.

But to whom is this saecular wish addressed, which, preserved through the
Oriental tradition, continues by way of the Scriptures and the Byzantine
custom to be in use even to-day? 7 There is an element in our pin which
corresponds to the cartouche of the Senusert pectoral. This is the double
‘ volute ’ on the head of the goddess. Spirals, as is well known, play a fore¬
most role among Minoan-Myccnaean decorative motives. We have, there¬
fore, to look carefully whether a symbolical significance here underlies the
motive, in keeping with the whole character of the representation.

The ‘ volutes ’, more accurately described, are two superimposed cordi-
form pairs of converging spirals. The upper pair is broader and its projecting
stems enter deep into the centre of the lower pair, touching thus the head of
the goddess. From the free space between them some lines emerge, which are
clearly the stems of the superimposed as well as the sideways-bending flowers.
The whole is a little confused owing to the fluidity of the hammered work
and the two rivet-holes as well, through which the silver needle was fastened to
the gold head of the pin.

The heart-shaped combination of spirals is of peculiar and, at least in
some instances, surely religious importance. The acute eye of Evans followed
this motive from the original ‘ Waz ’-sign, the symbol of the Egyptian serpent
goddess of the Delta, to the ‘ canopied Waz ’ and the ‘ Sacral Ivy ’, and finally
to the ‘Ogival Canopy’ motive of Minoan art. 8 The ‘ Waz ’-symbol is
originally a papyrus stem and flower with some stylisation, owing to its
religious character. Already on Xllth dynasty scarabs it appears with a
double scroll like a canopy over it. This is the ‘ canopied Waz adaptations
of which we find already on early Cretan seal-stones. 9 We meet a parallel
version, equally on Xllth dynasty scarabs, in which the double scroll appears

7 The popular wish on anniversaries is X p 4 v.a ttoXM pressions like BaaiXrO. •!* oiuva Aap:U PaaiXev,
and in some darnels the more archaic expression tfs tovj otfivas jitfi, elc. Cf. for instance Daniel v, io,
ttoXac -rd tTT|. These wishes are of Byzantine origin; vi, 6, etc.

see the recent work of Prof. Ph. Kukules, BvjavmWov • PM II 480 f., and figs. 287-207.

B,os ko. noXitKnuSs (Athens 1949) III 315-16. In the • PM I 201, fig. 150 b and r.

Old Testament it is a rule to address kings with ex-

ioy

* NUMEROUS YEARS OF JOYFUL LIFE *

under the Waz, with upturned spirals. We again have adaptations of the
motive in the M.M. and L.M. art and writing (fig. 3, row 1, a-*). 10 In our
figure (a) is a Xllth dynasty scarab; ( b ) a Zakro sealing; (r) a contemporary
sealing from Knossos, where the stems of some plants arc clearly visible;

(d) is a sign of the Minoan script of all classes, possibly with the value wa or wo,
where the plant-stem is still clear (‘papyrus-tuft’ according to Evans);

(e) is a bronze ring from Knossos, where the plant (here a lily) stands upon the
Waz. In this series the central element of the Mycenae pin (/) finds its
natural place.

Fig. 3.—Egyptian and Minoan Floral Patterns with Symbolic Meaning.

The story of the cordiform scroll docs not end here. We see it adorn
hybridised forms of lilies in supposed religious scenes, as on the ‘ Priest-
King ’ stucco relief. Evans supposed that we have to do with a species of
iris, probably the well known hyakinlhos of the legend. 11 We likewise see
the same sign on creatures of possibly symbolic meaning, such as butterflies
and octopods. 12 The strong stylisation of these creatures, which is charac¬
teristic of the later Palace Style, appears too early here; a religious symbolism
is, therefore, possible. 13 On the silver bull-head rhyton and on a gold diadem
from the Fourth Shaft Grave we meet the heart-shaped sign again. 14 It
now seems certain that the scrolls of the pin arc not a meaningless ornament;
they stand in organic connection with the superimposed plants. The fact

10 From PM I 705, fig. 528 a-b and 700, fig. 5 * 4 .
is last is there drawn upsiae down; II 484, fig. 290 g

this last
and IV
11 PA.

K/S ii, coloured frontispiece and 786 f.
Sec the Priest-King relief foe. t it., note 11, a

and gold

petals from the Third Shaft Grave, Karo, DU
Sehachlgradrr, pis. XXVII-XXVIII.

'* Cf. the naturalistic octopods, Karo, op. at., pi.

X i 5 V 0 p. nLpls. CXXI and XXXIX.

SP. MARINATOS

108

that they arc double may equally have its significance, as corresponding
to the two groups of overlying papyrus-bundles.

From the artistic point of view, the complete representation is not a happy
one. The structure of plants is too heavy for the goddess, who, moreover,
has no ground upon which to stand. She gives the impression of hanging from
the heavy complex she was intended to bear easily upon her head. It is
apparent that the artist was faced with too many ideas, which he was obliged
to bring into his representation. Curious is the absence of ground for the
goddess. One is inclined to believe that the representation was destined
originally for another purpose and that its use for the pin is a secondary one.

The two rivet-holes are in an unfitting and not central position, as if they
were not intended to be thus originally; it seems that the middle flower at
the top was damaged and displaced during the making of the fastening.
W e see, further, that even the needle of the pin shows peculiar and unusual
features (fig. i): instead of being fastened behind the representation and
on the axis of the goddess, as usually happens with other pins, 15 it is unskilfully
bent in its upper part. Had we not the goddess in the representation, the
Museum restorers would unhesitatingly straighten the pin. It is almost
certain, indeed, that the whole object imitates faithfully the Egyptian sign
Millions of years ’, on the curved end of which we sometimes see a pendant,
which would explain the unskilled adaptation to the pin (fig. 4a). 16 One
may further ask if the object from the Third Shaft Grave is a pin at all and not

’* Of. for instance Karo, DU Schcehlgrdber, pi. 26, no.
46.

11 From Erman-Ranke, op. at., note 5 above, 396

fig. 171. The god Thut holds the sign in honour of
Ramescs II; b and c in fic. 4 arc from Schaefer, Von
agyptisther Kunst, pi. 20.

‘ NUMEROUS YEARS OF JOYFUL LIFE ’ 109

rather intended to be inserted somewhere, with a ground line for the goddess.
The silver pin is channelled on the outer surface—a further unusual charac¬
teristic. Unfortunately it is so badly oxidised that it is not possible to
distinguish if it once bore the incisions characteristic of the ‘ Kerbslock \ 17
The bundles of papyrus flowers in our representation, as they arc of two
kinds, give us a clue for further reflections. Let us take first the top group.
Three symmetrically arranged papyrus flowers (fig. 3, row 2, a) represent
the Egyptian hieroglyph h3, which means ‘ Land of Lower Egypt \ 18 If

Fig. 5.—Frescoes from Amnissos, Crete.

the flowers are lily-shaped, but with a disc- or oval-shaped object between
the two side-petals (fig. 3^) they mean ‘ Upper Egypt *. They can be
three or five in number. Both shape and number of the flowers of this sign
are of great significance for Minoan art, as we shall see soon. Indeed, this
motive has been taken over by the Cretans to form splendid adaptations.
The wonderful decoration of the lily-vases of Knossos, 19 the magnificent
original of which in monumental art we now possess in the frescoes from
Amnissos (fig. 5 a-b), originates from this Egyptian sign. 20 It seems
certain that these Minoan adaptations conserved, at least for some time, the

,T Owing to present conditions it is impossible for Palace Hoard),
the time being to examine the original, which is not " PM I 603, fig. 443.

yet on view in the National Museum of Athens. 10 I found these frescoes (still unpublished) in a

11 (a) F.rman, Hieroglyph™ 32; ( b ) Erman-Ranke M.M. III-L.M. I villa at Amnissos, the harbour-town
op. (it., 35, fig. 5, and Schafer, Von Ogypt. Kunst pi. 20; of Knossos. Our figure is a design from the photo-

King); (a) 779, fjjg. 507 (from a bronze vase of the LXVIIa-LXVIIi.

110

SP. MARINATOS

original Egyptian significance; this is proved by the following interesting
fact. The second of the Amnissos frescoes represents bundles of five iris-
flowers, emerging from what seem to be elaborate flower-pots. The number,
as already mentioned, is equally Egyptian, and the iris-flower is the Minoan
adaptation of the lily-shaped flower-sign of Upper Egypt. (Egyptologists do
not venture to identify it; sometimes it is called a lily, sometimes an un¬
known, possibly desert, plant, Convolvulus arvensis according to Daressy.)
Now it is interesting that the Amnissos pots are decorated with perpendicular
zig-zag lines between two horizontal bars ending in concave sides; but this is
the Egyptian hieroglyph mr * water \ 21 Monsieur Jean Capart, the well-
known Belgian Egyptologist, who was in Athens while the late E. Gillicron was
preparing the water-colours of the Amnissos frescoes, was interested in the
question. After returning to Brussels among his books he had the kindness to
write to me as follows:

‘ La forme des bassins cretois se retrouve dans Vhieroglyphe mnmr, qui est le
(Utcrminatif des rivieres , lacs et mers . . . ( Tomb de Ptahhetep a Saqqarah, N. Davies,
The Mastaba of Ptahhetep Pt. I, Londres 1900, pi. XI, no. 218). Jl est extreme -
rent interessant de trouver ainsi un hieroglyphe egyptien transformi en image decorative
tout en gardant sa signification originate dans la langue igyptienne. . . .

May we suppose, indeed, that the three-lily or five-iris bundle—this last
combined with the sea-sign—means literally ‘ Land of Crete which lies * in
the middle of the sea ’, as Egyptians described islands ? I think this is quite
logical, and the foreign people landing at Amnissos had thus before them, in
magnificent decorative compositions, corresponding to analogous hieroglyphic
Egyptian inscriptions, the symbol-name of Crete. How easily, however, the
Egyptian ideas and motives degenerated in the hands of the Aegean crafts¬
men, is proved by the electrum cup from the Fourth Shaft Grave, in which the
zig-zag lines for sea arc substituted in the one basin by spirals and in the other
are conserved, but in a form no longer recognisable, unless we have in mind
the prototype of Amnissos. 22

The three-lily combination and the simple lily-flower became one of the
commonest and most graceful motives of Minoan art. One can reasonably
suppose that at the same time it became the symbol of the island of Crete.
This is especially apparent in the case of the so-called ‘ Waz ’-lily, which bears
a fan-like addition above the petals. I think there is no better explanation
than to suppose it an adaptation of the similar flower-symbol of Upper Egypt

. In Amnissos the lines are red, but the
o, Die Schcehtgraber, pl.^CXIII.

*' Erman, Hinoghfhen 32 Gewasser *, ‘ Kanal ’). Egyptian art
Schafer, Ion Sgjpt. himsl 154 remarks that the water ground blue.
js represented by black zig-zag lines on blue ground in *' See Kar

‘NUMEROUS YEARS OF JOYFUL LIFE’ in

(fig. 3, row 2, b-d). It is difficult, indeed, to imagine that it is a meaning¬
less object in such ceremonial and official instances as the Priest-King relief
(in crown and necklace) 23 or the Griffin-Guardians of the Throne Room.
There the crest of these heraldic creatures shows a degenerated but per¬
fectly recognisable form of the ‘ Waz ’-lily. 24 A crest of feathers adorns the
top ‘ Waz ’-lily of the crown of the Priest-King. The types both of simple and
crested ‘ Waz ’-lily are known from the Third and Fourth Shaft Graves, 25
where, as I hope to show in a forthcoming paper, Minoan princesses were
buried, who had married kings of Mycenae. We find the crested lily likewise
on royal bronze vases (fig. 3, row 2, d ), which, as I have shown elsewhere,
served for ceremonial washing of the hands. 26

The most characteristic instance, however, is the use of the ‘ Waz ’-lily as
unique element of the Minoan crown. The Minoan kings were well aware
of the fact that the two crowns of their 4 brothers ’ in Egypt, the White and
the Red, represented Upper and Lower Egypt, and that the Double Crown
represented both. They knew also that animals and plants, which were the
symbols of the country (Uto, Sechmet, papyrus, and 4 lily ’), were represented
upon the heads of kings and gods in Egypt (cf. fig. 4 b-d). The Minoan
4 Waz ’-lily, therefore, on their crown, almost certainly had the significance
4 Land of Crete ’, as once in its Egyptian form it had the significance of
Upper, that is, South Egypt. The lily-necklace had the same significance,
according to the analogous symbolism of Egyptian necklaces.

On the pin from the Third Shaft Grave we see that the difference between
the top and the side flowers is that the latter bear the disc-shaped element
(the 4 fruit ’). From the facts adduced above it is clear that the top three-
fold-papyrus bundle is an invariable imitation of the similar sign for Lower
(= North) Egypt, while the side-bundles arc an adaptation of the sign
corresponding to Upper (= South) Egypt and to the 4 Waz ’-lily of Crete.
The sole difference is that they did not use the lily-shaped flower, but the
same papyrus-like flower of the top bundle, to which they added the disc
(perfectly round here) which characterises the flower for 4 Upper Egypt ’.

Both these floral motives emerge from the cordiform 4 Waz ’ clement,
which is double here. Now we understand why. The one is for the top
flowers, i.e. 4 North ’, the other for the side element, i.e. 4 South ’ land. The
4 Waz ’ is the symbol of Uto, the serpent-goddess of the Delta. Here it figures
as a symbol of the Minoan Goddess, a sister deity of Uto, as Evans has pointed
out. 27 Even at Mycenae the later successor of this goddess on the ruins of the

** PM II ii, coloured frontispiece and 775, fig. 504f. 14 PM II ii, 779 . 5 ° 7 ! BCH LIII (1929),

*• PM IV 991, fig. 884. 378 f.

» Karo, Die Schachlgrdber, pi. XXI 23, XXVII 79, » PM II 480.

XLIV 378 etc.

112

SP. MARINATOS

palace was indeed the serpent-goddess Athena. Thus the two floral elements,
similar but differentiated through the disc, have each a special meaning.
The side element (‘ South ’ according to its Egyptian original) means
‘ Crete ’; the top element (‘ North ’ according to the same source) must mean
1 Mycenae Geographically speaking both symbols maintained their mean¬
ing, just as we sec them on the heads of Egyptian gods (fig. 4).

The double ‘ chain 5 in the hands of the goddess remains the most obscure
object of the whole representation. We see two objects very similar to the
wooden bow-. Both ends of each object are carefully rounded and polished
like handles; the rest of the surface is covered by a series of lines, which may
be accurately described as incisions. The same motive appears on the similar
objects in the Aegina jewel (fig. 7). These incisions have nothing to do with
the elaborate Minoan-Mycenaean ornamentation. One may search in
vain for a parallel among the whole treasure of the Shaft Graves. 27 " One
explanation seems at least reasonable. We have before us an additional adap¬
tation of the Egyptian ‘ Kerbstock ’, upon which the years of the king were
registered by means of these incisions. In addition to the foliated motive
upon the papyrus stems, incised wooden sticks are employed here. The re¬
duplication of the object is a repetition of the wish for the two lands. Thus
the whole representation appears as an elaborate symbol, which expresses the
wish for happiness and long years for kingdoms and kings; it symbolises
equally the union of the South and North kingdoms of the Aegean in friendly
connections, doubtless through marriages. The floral symbols have been
taken from Egypt in the same geographical connection. The whole may be
read as follows: * Countless joyful years to the Kingdoms and to the Royal
Houses of Crete and Mycenae \ 28

I believe that it is possible to follow further this representation in a simpler
form. Indeed, the chief symbol, freed from the complementary designs and
turned upside down, appears on a series of intaglios down to the latest
Mycenaean period. 29 All these objects have most recently been discussed by
Prof. Martin Nilsson. 30 He rightly concludes that ‘ at all events the object
is here a motif transmitted from an older age and perhaps not wholly under-

,u Cf. Karo, Die Sekachlgraber, 258-9 for analogous forthcoming paper. I hope to show further connections
observations. _ between the Shaft Grave dynasty and Egypt. The

** In the chronological background of our pin, soon abundance of gold in Mycenae can be explained only
after 1600 b.c., the wish for union was an ardent one in by these connections, as well as a number of Egyptian

S t, just after the expelling of the Hyksos. For the beliefs. The kings buried in Mycenae fought on the
' symbolical meaning in our pin and for the fact Egyptian side against the Hyksos. As they became
that even in elaborate Egyptian hieroglyphic inscrip- rich and glorious, they married Minoan princesses,
tions a whole allegory is sometimes hidden, which goes Hence the presence of the strong Minoan dement in
far beyond the signs employed, sec the interesting the Shaft Graves.

remarks of Schafer, Von agybt. Kmsl 266: • Symbolik ... *• I have pointed out this possibility already in 1928 in
nicht . . . mil Worten iciedergegeben ;u werden, sondem a note to my paper ‘ Topyovti «ai ropyOvna ’ AE 1927-8,
liegl Jut einen besinnliehten Leser wit hubuhes Rankentvetk 37-41; cf. 30, note I.

wiuhen den £eilen ’. I must further add that, in a *° Minoan-Mycenaean Religion, 2nd ed., 360-68.

‘NUMEROUS YEARS OF JOYFUL LIFE’ 113

stood \ He adds further that it appears as a characteristic attribute of the
‘ Goddess of the Animals \

This sign, according to the facts set forth above, must mean in its new
form simply ‘ Land of Crete \ It consists indeed of the bent floral element
of the pin only, free from the foliated- element * Millions of years As this
last was responsible for the dowm-bending of the flowers, to imitate the
corresponding Egyptian sign, it was possible to set the flowers erect, just as in
the case of the Egyptian parallels on the heads of gods (fig. 4 b-c).
On the head of the Cretan Goddess the land-symbol appears in a scries of
gems. Two of them are known from Mycenae (the best of the series found

Fig. 6.—Gold Ring from Midea and Gem from Psychro.

by Prof. Wace), one from Knossos, one from Psychro (fig. 6), one from
Ialysos, and one in the museum in Kassel. In all these cases the Goddess
holds the symbol upon her head with both hands and is accompanied by
lions or griffins, animals characteristically heraldic. Another prominent
religious and heraldic emblem of Crete, the double axe, appears in some
instances over the symbol. It may possibly be the more special emblem of the
Knossian district.

In a further series of works the symbol appears detached from the Goddess,
sometimes with additional emblems other than the double axe; these works
are the gold ring of Midea (fig. 6 ) and some scalings from Zakro. For
reasons which escape us the object is twice repeated on the Midea ring.
The four animals may indicate the absent Goddess. The two chief of them
(in the place of the double axe in the previously mentioned cases) are clearly

SP. MARINATOS

114

rams, .as Evans rightly observed. 31 They are stylised and antithetical,
apparently heraldic, and they may symbolise either something peculiar to
Midea or some palatial district of Crete different from that symbolised by
the double axe. The emblem ‘ Land of Crete as we see, was well to the
fore, while that of Mycenae, the three-fold papyrus bundle, seems to have
been forgotten, unless further discoveries supply us with new material.

Finally, a series of seal-impressions from Zakro 32 shows, in the usual free
and fantastic style of this deposit, the same object in company with bucrania
or birds or a lion’s head. In one instance the solar disc appears over the
symbol.

Usually the symbol appears double, but in the case of the gems of Psychro
(fig. 6 ) and Knossos it is triple, 33 as on the Midea-ring as well. This may
have a significance, which escapes us now. Several explanations have been
proposed (snakes, bows), but if one bears in mind the supposed prototype,
the pin from Mycenae, everything is clear. The supposed heads of snakes are
the terminal discs of the flowers in the pin, though elongated; the flowers
proper are greatly reduced, but have not wholly disappeared. This is
apparent on the finer works of the series, the two gems from Mycenae and the
Midea ring. This latter, moreover, gives us the precious indication that the
triple objects are plaited together in the middle. This clearly indicates
that we have to do with plants, as recognised by Prof. Persson in agreement
with myself. 34 The modern Greek peasants fasten together onions, garlic,
and other products by their leaves in just the same manner, selling them
thus as ‘ tresses ’ (irA^a-pes or irAe^Ses).

The double object (‘ chain ’) of the pin from Mycenae reappears only on
the degenerate stone in Kassel 36 and, still later, on the pendant from
Aegina. 36 Here (fig. 7) it emerges behind the god, and takes the form of the
head-symbol of the goddess. The incisions are more than clear. The
creatures arc here birds. The flowers—here clearly lotus—and the discs
upon them, are likewise present. Even the structure upon the head of the
god seems to take the form of scrolls, but everything is here decomposed and
confused. It is clear that only a vague reminiscence, if any at all, is pre¬
served from the original prototype. Before any further discussion we must
learn something about the origin of this curious piece.

*' PM IV 171 and note 2. More generally they
may be called homed sheep; they are frequently
represented on Minoan-Myccnacan works.

M One is mentioned by Nilsson op. at., 364, fig. 176.
I have added three others, AE 1927-8, 30. note 1
(inset). Cf.PM IV 174, fig. ,36.

” See the Knossos gem in PM IV 170, fig. 133a.

14 See his Royal Tombs at Dendra 56. It is interesting,
however, that some lines similar to plait-work appear

on stems of the Egyptian ‘ Waz ’-symbol; PM II 480,
fig. 287c.

» Nilsson, op. at., 363, fig. 174. Cf. PM IV 169,
fig. 132.

,# Some people believe that this curious treasure
belongs to post-Mycenaean times, so F. Poulsen, Der
Orient anddiefruhgrieeh. Kunst 60. I am unable to decide,
but the Mycenaean spirit seems still existent in this
work.

”5

‘NUMEROUS YEARS OF JOYFUL LIFE’

Elaborate symbolic art as well as a great conservatism are the peculiar
features of both the Orient and Egypt. Their study has already yielded
excellent results. In Minoan-Mycenaean art, the chief quality of which is
unceasing transformation, it is reasonable to expect a far less symbolic charac¬
ter; but it must exist. The more a representation appears curious, the more
it is probable that something is hidden in it. The series of works we have
discussed above belongs just to this category. Many a work must be studied

Fig. 7.—Gold Pendant from Aegina.

after a similar fashion. Even if we fail in some details, the chief line seems to
be a well-founded fact.

A few last words are still necessary. The motives we have tried to explain
belong to what may be called the early floral world of Aegean art. This art
makes the most abundant use of graceful floral motives, and this, too, may be
an Egyptian influence. It is a well-known fact that in primitive cultures we
never meet flower decoration. On the other hand the Egyptologists tell us
that the Egyptians discovered flower ornamentation to the world , 37 and
that in early periods (in the Old and even the Middle Kingdom) we seldom
meet flowers without a deeper significance. The flowers which stand for

» H. Schafer, Von dgyptischer Kunst 28 and 281, note 12, where further references on the subject will be found. .

SP. MARINATOS

116

Upper and Lower Egypt belong to this class. Only during the New Kingdom
does the floral form become an element of pure decoration.

This is apparently the case, with a correspondence of dates, for Minoan
art, but through a speedy process familiar to the Aegean. After uncertain
gropings during the M.M. period, we see the forward impetus of the floral
style during the ‘ New Era ’ of the M.M. III-L.M. I period. It is reasonable
to expect that the archaic floral style, best represented at Amnissos (and in the
lily-frescoes of Knossos, Phylakopi, and Thera), contains much of symbolic and
religious allegory. A little later, and under the influence of the XVIIIth
Dynasty Egyptian art, this elementary stage of Cretan art is enriched through
the animal-world and through the apotheosis of the decorative floral com¬
position. Parallel is the abandonment of symbolism. Thus the frescoes of
Amnissos or the lily-vases from Knossos may literally mean ‘ Land of Crete ’
and ‘ Product of Crete ’ respectively. But the Haghia Triadha frescoes or the
Marseilles ewer mean no more than ‘ Creto-Mycenaean art ’. In a few cases,
however, the early symbolic character of some motives seems to have lasted
down to the last days of the Minoan-Mycenaean civilisation.' 3B

Sp. Marinatos

*® The literary tradition may prove helpful in such
an investigation. Thus the double sign and the two
rams on the Midea ring may be connected with the
peculiar tradition of that town. The two kings,
Atreus and Thyotes, inhabited Midea originally
(Apollodorus II 4, 6). The story of a golden lamb is

connected with them (see Cook, Zeus I 407), and even
in the time of Pausanias a ram or rams stood on the
alleged tomb of Thvestes (Paus. II 18. Cf. the com¬
mentary of Sir J. Frazer in his Pausanias and in his
Apollodorus, II p. 164 (Locb).)

THE TOMB-OF PORSENA AT CLUSIUM

The Elder Pliny 1 quotes Varro’s description of the Tomb of Porscna:

Sepultus sub urbe Clusio , in quo loco monumentum reliquit lapide quadralo quadratum:
singula latera pedum lata tricenum , alia quinquagenum: in qua bast quadrata inlus
labyrinthum inextricabilem: quo si quis improperet (introire properet v.) sine glomere
lini, exitum invenire nequeat . Supra id quadratum pyramides slant quinque , quattuor
in angulis, et in medio una, imae latae pedum septuagenum quinum (latae pedum quinum ;
ita fastigatae ut in summo aeneus petasus omnibus sit impositus M), altae centenum
quinquagenum, ut in summo or bis aeneus et petasus unus omnibus sit impositus, ex quo
pendeant exapta catenis tintinnabula, quae vento agitata longe sonitus refer ant, ul Dodonae
olim factum. Supra quern orbem (supraque orbem) quattuor pyramides insuper singulae
stant altae pedum centenum. Supra quas uno solo quinque pyramides, quorum
altitudinem Varronem puduit adicere ; fabulae Hetruscae tradunt eandem fuisse , quam
totius operis: adeo vesanam dementi quaesisse gloriam impendio, nulli profuturo.
Praeterea fatigasse regni vires, ut tamen (tantum v.) laus maior artificis esset.

This amazing pagoda has defeated the commentators, and confused the
scribes, perhaps even Varro himself. His reference to fabulae Hetruscae shows
that even if he had seen the remains of the monument, he was partly dependent
on hearsay. The Hebrew' descriptions of Solomon’s Temple—still more the
Septuagint and Vulgate renderings of them—show' how easily inexpert
w'riters fail to find words and phrases for technical processes and works of art . 2
But the chief causes of error arc known from that example, and may be
detected here too. And there are better sources here for archaeological
comparisons, both in Etruria, and in the region of Western Anatolia from
which the Etruscans seem to have come to Italy.

To take Varro’s statements in order:

(1) There is a rectangular base or plinth of masonry three hundred feet
square and fifty feet high. Such pedestal tombs, but smaller, are frequent in
Etruscan cemeteries, associated with circular monuments enclosed in a stone
plinth, and piled with earth and stones over one or more chambers 3 : and
these in turn with very numerous tumuli without plinth, most of which are
still unexplored . 4 The whole series belongs to the centuries from the ninth
to the sixth, though burials went on in the larger tombs till the fourth.

(2) The monument could be entered, but was dark and full of passages

* N.H. XXXVI 13. Oxford, 1024, passim.

* Myres, PEQ 1948, 14-41. Loe.nl., 141.

* Randail-Maciver, Villanovans and Early Etruscans,

118

JOHN L. MYRES

like a maze—evidently tomb-chambers, but complicated by the substantial
foundations of the ‘ pyramids ’ above. Instead of the tumulus of the smaller
monuments, there must have been a paved stone roof, and this needed stone
joists and supports between the ‘ pyramids The nearest extant parallels arc
the ruinous ‘ Cucumella ’ tomb at Vulci, and the ‘ Tomba del Poggio Gaiclla *
near Chiusi, which some have thought to be the Tomb of Porsena himself,
though it was certainly circular.

The ‘ Cucumella ’ at Vulci was constructed around a natural hummock of
rock. Its plinth, of which a section remained in 1829, was about two hundred
and thirty feet in diameter—comparable therefore with Porsena’s three
hundred feet: the mound was about sixty feet high. Within were two
towers of undressed masonry, projecting above the mound but not intended to
be exposed: one was cylindrical, the other slightly tapering. Being irregu¬
larly spaced, they probably remain from a group of five or more. 6

The ‘ Mausoleo ’ at Gorneto is the best preserved of the circular tombs;
its well-moulded plinth-wall is about six feet high. The ‘ Castel d’Asso ’ 6
is cut into a hummock of rock, and is loftier.

Monuments at Orvinium described by Dionysius of Halicarnassus 7 had
pedestals and mounds. Similar architectural details, with a cornice as
in circular tombs at Vetulonia, may be securely supplied here. In the
diagram these are drawn beyond the measured wall-face.

The only comparable series of monuments, either for design or for number,
is in Lydia and Caria, with hundreds of mere tumuli, less numerous burial
mounds with stone plinth and chambers, and around Halicarnassus, circular
monuments with high outer wall, cornice, and ground-floor entrance, but
corbel-vaulted within, with three or more side chambers in the thickness of
the wall, and at Ghiukchalar an upper row of such chambers, with access by
a staircase in the thickness of the party wall of the lower row. Outranging
the rest, like the Tomb of Porsena in Etruria, is the vast ‘ Tomb of Alyattes ’
near Sardis, described by Herodotus, 8 about three quarters of a mile in
circumference, with plinth, built tomb-chamber, and earthen mound (now
much spread by rain-wash), crowned by five ouroi ‘ boundary-stones ’, knob¬
headed, of which enough is preserved to confirm their shape. This type of
tumulus, with stone plinth and corbel-vaulted chamber, is peculiar to the
western lowlands of Lydia and Caria, 9 though less specialized burial mounds
are widespread from the Hellespont to Phrygia.

As the main series of these West-Asiatic tombs lasts from the seventh

1 Canina, Etruria Marittima II pi. evii; Martha,
L'Art rtrusque, 205, fig. 159. Since excavation in 1829
>t has quite disappeared. Full bibliography in
Martha.

• Martha, Ux. cit. 159, fig. 126 (‘Castel d’Asso'),

203, fig. 158 (' Mausoleo ').

j I 14.

• \\?R. Paton and J. L. Myres, JHS XVI 188-270,
esp. 270 and figs. 39, 51 (square), figs. 22, 26 (round).

THE TOMB OF PORSENA AT CLUSIUM

Il 9

century or earlier to the fifth or fourth, it docs not need much imagination to
detect its essentials (lateral entrance, high plinth, and central mound) beneath
the Hellenic facades, cornices, built pyramid, and standing portrait-statues
—the ouroi come to life—of the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus. But it is the
4 Tomb of Alyattes 5 which more nearly concerns us here.

(3) Above the rectangular plinth emerge five ‘ pyramids ’ each seventy-five
feet wide at the platform level and one hundred and fifty feet high, tapering—
to what upper diameter is not stated, and each surmounted by a petasus and
orbis in bronze. These are easily restored; the only question is as to their
diameter. The ‘ pyramids ’ can hardly have been less than ten feet in
diameter at the top, and may well have been twenty feet. The petasus must
have overhung by some ten feet, to allow the hanging bells to swing free:
the diameter of the petasus must therefore have been thirty to forty feet, and
that of the orbis not less than twenty feet. Both must have had bronze
plating on a wooden frame.

These 4 pyramids ’ have developed out of solid stone ouroi , like those of
the ‘ Tomb of Alyattes ’. The intermediates are the 1 cones 1 and hemi¬
spherical blocks, sometimes of stone brought from a distance, which are
found in tumuli at Vetulonia. 10 As they must have had foundations to
rock-level, their height may have been reckoned thence, but more probably
from the point where they emerged from the platform. 11

So far the description is of the same class of monument as the 4 Tomb of
Aruns near Albano, where the five 4 pyramids ’ are conical, and crowd each
other, completely filling the platform, which is nearly a cube with prominent
plinth and cornice.

(4) The hanging bells, clearly fringing the petasi, illustrate a widespread
device for averting evil spirits. Varro compares the suspended cauldrons
at Dodona; but closer parallels are the bells on the harness of the Thracian
Rhesus, 12 and on a shield from the 4 Tomba del Gucrriero ’, 13 the clattering
tongues of the snakes on the ‘Shield of Heracles’, 14 and the bells on the

tent-poles in the tombs of Scythian chiefs. 15

• (5) It is with the superstructure of the ‘ pyramids’, and especially ol the
central 4 pyramid ’, that Varro’s description becomes obscure. He has
already written in summo referring to the ‘ pyramids ’ which are feminineic
now writes uno solo , which should mean ‘on one alone’, though it might
mean 4 on one ground ’ or ‘ level ’. If the latter, he must be repeating his
original description of the five pyramids on their platform. But he has just

>0 Randall-Maclver, op. cil., 122-3. _

» A square pedestal tomb at Vulei is crowned by a
single pyramid, Martha, op. eit.,2 13, fig. >63.

'• Eur., Rhesus, 290-307. „ . ,. , ,

>* O. Montelius, La Civilisation Primitive en Itahe, pi.

>* J. L. Mvres, JUS LXI 25-ji.

E. H. Minns, Scythians and Creeks ...
(1Q13), 154, fig. 4 ' (Alrxandropol). 18b
(Volkovtsy), 183, fig. 76 (Romny).

it South Russia
fig. 79

120

JOHN L. MYRES

written that supra . . . orbem quaituor pyramides insuper singulae slant , which
must mean that each of the four ‘ pyramids ’ at the angles—taking no account
of the central one—had another ‘ pyramid ’ crowning its orbis. This is quite

ll Feet

The Tomb of Porsena at Clusium (according to Varro’s dimensions).

possible, if this upper ‘ pyramid ’ was more like an obelisk, or a terminal
spike; though they can hardly have been altae pedum cenUnum , unless they were
mere masts.

(6) This, however, leaves the central ‘ pyramid ’ incomplete. If uno solo
means on one alone this may have carried a cluster of five such masts.

THE TOMB OF PORSENA AT CLUSIUM

J2I

And there is this to suggest that the sentence does refer to this central pyramid.
If it was only of the same height as the four corner pyramids, it would have
been dwarfed by them; and, moreover, would have been too small for the
central space. For the platform being three hundred feet square, and the
corner pyramids seventy-five feet square at platform level, unless they were
placed very far back from the edge of the platform, there would have been an
excessive interval between them: if they were set ten feet back from the wall
face of the platform, the distance between their inward angles would be one
hundred and thirty feet.

Now if the base of the central ‘ pyramid ’ filled this central rectangle, and
its sides were inclined at the same angle as those of the other four ‘ pyramids ’,
its height would be about equal to that of the whole monument— eandem fuisse
quam totius operis , which is what Varro reports, though he does not believe it.
This height would be about the same also as the length and breadth of the
platform. *

On the orbis , moreover, of this double-size ‘ pyrajnid ’, there would be
room, as Varro’s phrase suggests, for a cluster of five ‘ pyramid-spikes ’ urw
sole, all rising from the same orbis.

Here is at all events a reconstruction which finds room for each of Varro’s
separate data. What is least disputable, because easiest to verify, even if the
monument was ruinous, was the length—three hundred feet—of the plinth.
But the ‘ Cucumclla ’ is comparable (two hundred and thirty feet), and the
other dimensions are proportionate, even if they pass belief. Had Varro
perhaps mistaken the scale of a drawing, as Herodotus did with the ‘ Sesostris ’
relief in the Karabel Pass above Ephesus, 16 but in the other direction ?

John L. Myres

“ II 106.

THE SICKLE OF KRONOS

The sickle, as attribute of Kronos, was considered by certain scholars to
be the sickle with which the corn is reaped, and this would be a reliable
argument for the opinion that Kronos was from of old a god of the harvest. 1
Recently W. Staudacher has advanced the opinion that the harpe , as the Greek
word is, is a sickle-shaped sword of Oriental origin, and uses this as an argu¬
ment for deriving the myth of the separation of Heaven and Earth from the
Orient 2 ; but he has not succeeded in proving his thesis. I have expressed
doubt that the harpe of Kronos was a sickle, and said that it may have been a
sword, but I have also called attention to the fact that the harpe is said by
Hesiod to be provided with sharp teeth, 3 being reminded of certain implements
from the Neolithic Age in which shai^ chips of flint are inserted in a stick of
bone or .wood, as in e.g. harpoons. 4 The significance of the word xcxpxap<56ous
is aptly illustrated by two Homeric passages 5 ; it is used of dogs, which catch
their prey: having sharp teeth. That I come back to the subject may be
excused because of my overlooking certain archaeological material which
presents a much more relevant, in fact striking, comparison and warrants a
more certain judgment on the problem.

There is another instrument, much more relevant to the question than
the harpoon, which was used in prehistoric as well as in historic times, namely
the sickle used for reaping corn. 6 Such sickles are very widely distributed
in prehistoric times. In the Neolithic Age the sickle was a blade of flint
provided with a shaft, or resembled the Egyptian sickles mentioned below.
Examples are found in Denmark, in Switzerland* and in Egypt. 7 In the Old
Kingdom the sickle was a piece of curved wood: on the interior of its curve
small sharp flint chips were inserted into the wood. This primitive sickle was
still used in the Middle and New Kingdoms too. 8 From the Bronze Age
sickles made of bronze are found all over Central and Northern Europe.
Three were found at Troy by Schliemann, but unfortunately their age cannot

1 There are many other interpretations of the sickle
upon which it is superfluous to enter. They are
recorded in the valuable article ‘Kronos ’ by Max
Mayer in Roscher, II 1544.

1 W. Staudacher, DitTrenmmt ton Himmel und Erdt .
1942. 69.

* Hesiod, Theog 175 and 180: ipmy Kap X op 56 o.-Ta;
Homer. llud XVlll 551, f|uwv 6fclas Spend** tv X tpoln
txoms is equivocal.

‘ In my Cesch. d. pitch. Religion, I 483 ff.

„ 360: 50« kOv« cIS6t» Snpnc;

XIII 198: 60 ' olya Mom icovwv Cmo KapxcspoSdvTcov
dpird^am.

. * M. Ebert, Reallex. d. VorgesckichU XII 72.
A. Oldeberg Some Contributions to the Earliest
History of the Sickle\ Acta archceoloeica III (1032), 20Q,
treats especially of the Stone Age in Scandinavia.

Gertrud Caton-Thompson, The Desrrt Fqyoum,
London,1934

' Kees, Kullurgeuh. d. alien Orients, I, Agypten
iHandbuch d Alter turnswus.), 36, says: Der Sc/mitt
f’Jolgte mt den pnrnitiien kilzemen Sitktln, in die zur
m harJung truersteinspliUer eineezogen warden , und zwar
skis so, doss der Halm stekenbleibt, also mdglichst wenie
Stroh geemtet tcird.

THE SICKLE OF KROXOS

123

be determined. 9 These sickles were sometimes provided with teeth. The
Danish finds are described as follows. 10 They are sickle-shaped pieces of
bronze with an edge on the concave side. If the implement is well preserved
and not too much worn it often has teeth, and sometimes show's traces of
filing on one side. These objects cannot be saws, for they have one or more
mouldings on one side parallel with the edge; the blade of a saw must be of
equal thickness, or it is useless. They are sickles used for reaping corn, and
their prototypes were probably made of flint.

To understand why teeth were to the purpose in a reaping instrument we
must realise the ancient method of reaping, which w-as different from ours,
and known also from Classical Antiquity. The stalks were collected and
grasped w'ith the left hand, and the bundle was cut off near to the ears with

the sickle held in the right hand. In such a procedure a toothed instrument
was desirable. 11 Sickles from the Roman age arc preserved in some number;
thus, with teeth of various forms, they have been found at Pompeii. 12 That
they were provided with teeth is known from literature also. 13 Unhappily I
do not know if any are found in classical Greece, for certain reasons have
prevented me since many years from visiting the museums, and such simple
finds are little noticed by archaeologists. The Greeks seem not to have dc-

• H. Schliemann, llios, 674, figs. 418-420; cf. W.
Dorpfeld, Troja, 394.

10 H. C. Broholm, Danmarks Itonzealdcr , II, 173 with

P iJfce the quotation from Kees, above p. 122, n. 8.
Sometimes an instmment similar to a fork (merga) or a
comb was used to collect the stalks. sceH. Wagenvoort.
De Maieruau van Hagia Triada, Mededelingen van hrt
Kedalandsch hislorisch Instituut U Rome, 2 scr., IV (i 934 ‘-
Cf. also the quotations from Columella and Varro
below, n. 13.

»* DS s. v. 4 Falx II 2, 970, figs. 2869 and 2870.

11 Columella II 20. 3: multi faleibus verueulatis atque
iis 1 el roslratis tel dentie'ulatis medium eulmen secant, multi
tnergis, alii pectinibus spieam ipsam legunt. \ arro. de rc
rust., I 50: allero modo melunl, ut in Puna, ubi Itgnevm
habent inturvum baeillum, in quo sit exlremo serrula fenea.
Haec cum eomprendit fascem spicarum, desecat etslramenta
stantia in segeti relinquit, ut postea subseeentur. 7 ertio modo
metitur , ut sub uibe Roma et loeis plerisque, ut stramentum
medium subsieent, quod menu sinistra summum prndunt. A
soldier reaping corn is represented on the column of
Trajan.

124

MARTIN P. NILSSON

posited utensils of daily life in tombs. 14 As a weapon the harpe is seen in vase
paintings in the hands of Herakles, Zeus, and the Pygmies in their combats
with, respectively, the Lernaean Hydra, Typhon, and the Cranes. In these
representations it is often provided with teeth. 15 Teeth are not suitable for an
effective weapon, they are taken over from the instrument. Iolaus cuts the
snake-bodies of the Hydra as a reaper cuts the stalks of the corn. In other
paintings the harpe has the shape of the gardener’s knife, with which we are
not concerned here.

No doubt Hesiod understood the harpe as the instrument for reaping corn
as I remarked loc. at. (note 4 above). He uses this word when exhorting the
farmer at the beginning of the harvest to whet the sickles, 16 and instead of
this word he uses elsewhere the synonymous word drepanon . 11 Thus I think
we have a well-founded explanation of the curious epithet of the sickle:

‘ sharp-toothed ’. Unfortunately archaeological materials from Greece are
wanting to me, but perhaps others, who know the small objects of daily life
better than I, can fill the gap. But as the sickle for reaping corn is so wide¬
spread since prehistoric times and in the Roman age, and as it is provided
with teeth in Greek vase paintings, it seems certain that the epithet ‘ provided
with sharp teeth ’ denotes the harpe as the sickle used for reaping corn.

Thus the old opinion that the attribute of Kronos shows him to be an old
god of the harvest is proved by well-founded arguments. Why the other
well-known myths were associated with him is a problem upon which I will
not enter here. 18

Martin P. Nilsson

14 The sickle given as a prize at the festival of Artemis
Urthu at Span a is rather a gardener's knife, which
also is sickle-shaped.

11 E.g., the teeth appear very clearly on a Corinthian
vase, figured by A. B. Cook, Zeus, III 796,

Iolaus cuts off one of the bodies of the Hydi
toothed sickle.

'* Optra 573: dpnej -rr X cpacc<mvai.

17 Hesiod, Thtogony 162.

" 1 mentioned in Gesch. d. pitch. Religion, I 486, n. 2

that Forrer derives the myth of the emasculation of
Ouranos from the Hittite myth of Kumarbi. This has
been taken up with better arguments by H. Guterbock,
MyUun 00m chumlischen Kronos (Islanbuler
Schnfttn, No. 16) Zurich, 1946, and ‘ The Hittite
version of the Human Kumarbi Myths: Oriental
forerunners of Hesiod *, AJA LI I “
lengthy review by A. Gotze, loan. of 1
Sot., LXIX (1949), 178. 7

(1948), 123; a
the Amer. Oruntal

GARTERS-QUIVER ORNAMENTS?

(plate 13)

With the knowledge we now possess of the Mycenaean civilisation, obtained
not least through examination of the Mycenaean tombs and their rich contents,
it seems to me that the present is the time to take note not only of those objects
found in the tombs, but also of those which are missing and which one would
expect to find. Because of the apparent absence of lamps, I was able to
point out that an earthenware object which was earlier taken for a .drinking
vessel or a scoop was probably a clay lamp. 1 In the relatively dark tomb
chambers artificial light was undoubtedly needed, especially in secondaiy
burials, when the whole wall blocking the doorway was not removed, but a
small opening, made in the upper part of the filling, sufficed for the introduction
of the corpse into the tomb. Careful examination of the dromos and the wall
blocking the doorway have proved that in many cases such a procedure
took place. In the larger and richer tombs excellent stone lamps have been
found. The occurrence of such lamps in the more pretentious tombs gave
me the idea of looking for clay ones in the ordinary tomb chambers.

In the Mycenaean tombs weapons of various kinds arc found in abundance,
swords, daggers, helmets, arrow-heads, etc. Arrow shafts and quivers,
which were made of more perishable materials, i.e. wood or leather, have as
a rule completely disintegrated. When, however, one observes the rich
ornamentation of the weapons in the Shaft Graves at Mycenae, the question
must be asked whether the quivers also were not embellished with designs
in a precious metal in these remarkable royal tombs. Probably in the
common tombs carved or embossed designs were used on wood or leather
receptacles.

In an examination of the rich finds from the Shaft Graves one notices a
number of objects made of thin gold plate, the function of which could not
hitherto be satisfactorily explained. These arc the so-called Gamaschenhalltr
(plate 13, a). It is to be noticed that these objects are found only in graves in
which male corpses were placed, nos. IV, V, and VI, while they are absent
from those graves which contain female remains, i.e. nos. I and III. The
function of these strangely-shaped gold bands is open to question. One of
them, according to Schlicmann, was found around the lower half of a thigh¬
bone in grave no. IV. 2 Therefore they have usually been thought of as

1 Cf. Pcrsson, ‘ New tombs at Dcndra near Midea * Cf. Schliemann, Mycenae and Tiryns, London

Acta Reg. Soeutetis Hum. Lilt, lundensis XXXIV, 1878, 230, fig. 338.

Lund 1942,102 f.

126

AXEL W. PERSSON

garters. They consist of a vertical strip reinforced down the centre. At
one end this strip divides into two horizontal encircling arms, and at the
other end it terminates in a ring intended as a button or a loop. These arms
have small holes at their extremities and turned-up edges on the reverse
side. Schliemann thought that these objects were placed with the ring
upwards, while Schuchhardt supposed that they had the reverse position
with the ring downwards, which makes them more like garters. 3 Reichel
agrees with the latter arrangement. 4 He, indeed, raised the objection that
such garters were not necessary if the gaiters fitted the calf closely (compare
the development of greaves in later times), yet he thinks that such an arrange¬
ment was necessary on account of the long shields striking against the warrior’s
shins. Ordinary men would have had bands to hold up their greaves, and
like the greaves themselves, these would have been made of leather or cloth.
Yet he observes that such leg armour is missing from all representations
of warriors in these tombs and on gold rings and carved stones, 5 and I
would also point out that the gaiters which are found in later representations,
such as the frescoes at Tiryns and Mycenae and the vases depicting
warriors, lack these garters. The fact that the gaiters appear first in the later
Mycenaean period makes the interpretation of these objects as garters
unlikely.

Georg Karo in Schachtgraber von Mykenai has dealt most thoroughly with
the objects in question. He has given excellent photographs and descriptions
in his inventory: grave IV, nos. 267-70 and 271-72, plates 67 and 68;
grave V, nos. 637, 652-53, plate 68; grave VI, nos. 913-14, plate 68. Re¬
ferring to the fact that gaiters do not appear in the more ancient repre¬
sentations, and that where such gaiters do actually appear in late Mycenaean
work the garters are missing, he says: e Die Verwendung dieser Sliicke bleibt
demnach unsicher He raises the objection that they are too small to encircle
the leg and ‘ waren auch kaum auf einer Unterlage befastigt , wie die Art des
Umbiegens der Rander zeigt 6

In his Ergebnisse Karo deals again with these objects under the heading
of ‘ Schutzwaffcn ’. 7 He emphasises that they appear in all tombs containing
male remains, with the exception of grave II, and only in these graves, and
nowhere else in the Minoan-Mycenaean world. Considering the fact that

3 Cf. Schuchhardt,. Schliemann's Ausgrabungen, Leipzig
1890, 261 : * Sie sassen jedenfalls in aer IVeise, doss das
omarnentirle Band mil Hife tines Drahles die Partie
zwischen Knie und I Vade umschlang, der itrlicale Strrif
aber nach unten hing und mil seiner Ose einen Knopf der
Camasche fassle.'

4 Cf. Reichel, Homrrisehe Wqffen *, Wien 1901, 58 f.

‘ Reichel misinterpreted the footwear which also

covers the lower calf of the otherwise unclothed figure

depicted on a gold ring. They are definitely not
gaiters but only the common footwear of an athlete.
In the matter of this interesting representation, cf.
Persson, The Religion of Greece in Prehistoric Times,
Berkeley and Los Angeles 1942, 36 f.

* Cf Karo, Schachtgraber von Mykenai, Munchen
1 930. 77 .

1 Karo, op. at., 220.

GARTERS—QUIVER ORNAMENTS? 127

Schliemann found one of these objects with the ring pointing upwards, and the
arms around the thigh-bone of a man, just above the knee, Karo again took up
the garter theory and examined Reichel’s argument concerning the necessity
of a protection against the knocking of the long shield against the shins, not
on the march but in battle. Karo supposes that the thin gold plate was
attached to long ‘ kosenahnliche Schurze ’ by means of the upper ring, while
the horizontal bands, being tied together with cord beneath the knee, secured
a knee-pad made of either felt or leather. This is the same arrangement as
Schliemann has suggested. Karo is apparently not himself quite happy
with this interpretation but ‘ sie fiihrt zu der einzigen m.E. moglichen Losung ’.
At another place he emphasises: ‘ Ich verkenne nicht die Schwierigkeit , dass von
alledem auf unseren Darstellungen keine Spur zu sehen ist; aber es mag sich uni eine
ortlich und zeitlich begrenzte Sitte handeln , die deshalb auf den ganz minoisch stilisierten
Reliefs des Silbergefasses 6oj nicht in die Erscheinung tritt}

Concerning the ornamentation, Karo 8 observes that ‘ Strichelung des
Grundes ’ is unusual but appears, among other objects, on gold bands which
he thinks have belonged to scabbards, and also on the ‘ Gamaschenhalter' nos.
271-72 (pi. 67). On these appear a double spiral on the central part, and
a C-shaped spiral close to the upper ring. The framed spiral, 9 which appears
among other things on the grave stele 1427, and displays an elegant form on
the dagger-sheath from Asine, 10 appears also on the central part of these
later * Gamaschenhalter ’.

For my part, I am inclined to group together certain other small objects
from the Shaft Graves with our ‘ Gamaschenhalter ’. In grave V were found
gold bands, op. cit. no. 637, pi. 68, which according to Karo were placed on
scabbards. Those w'hich, according to Karo’s inventory, have the numbers
637, 638, 649, 650, and 654 all belong together. Number 654 Karo describes
in the following way: ‘ Die Form , mit eingebogenen Randern und den Resten eines
halbmondformigen Ansatzes auf einer Langseite , gleicht nr. 292-293 ’ from tomb IV.
These later objects Karo calls ‘ goldene Verkleidungsbleche ’ and remarks of
them, as of the above mentioned, that their edges are ‘ senkrecht umgebogen
Karo believes that these gold bands with a length of about 15 cm. and a
breadth of 2-3 cm. were fastened to an ivory comb. The bent edges and the
minute holes which are sometimes found suggest that they were fastened to
a comparatively soft material, either leather or wood.

For my part I have come to the conclusion that the famous ‘ Gamaschen¬
halter \ like the golden bands we have just mentioned, were affixed as
ornaments to royal quivers. I came to this conclusion because of the

10 Cf. Asine, Results of the Swedish Excavation
IQ30, Stockholm 1938, 256.

• Karo, op. at., 273, note 2.

• Ibid., 280.

128

AXEL W. PERSSON

representation of a quiver in a chariot on a stele, from the time of Amenhotcp
III, now in Cairo (cf. figs. 1-2).

Quivers of some kind must have existed in the Shaft Graves. The arrow¬
heads found in them bear witness to this. There were in grave IV * auf
einem Haufen ’ thirty-five arrowheads ‘ offenbar von einem Pfeilbiindel \ 11 Under
no. 536 Karo goes into more detail about these arrowheads, and gives a list

Fio. 1 .—Stele showing Amenhotep III in His Chariot with the Quiver

ATTACHED TO THE BODY OF THE CHARIOT.

of twenty-six examples of yellowish flint, and twelve of obsidian. 12 The use
of bows and arrows is otherwise illustrated through representations on various
articles from the Shaft Graves: scenes of hunting and war, as e.g. the dagger-
blade showing lion hunting and the silver horn showing siege scenes, both
of them from grave IV. 13

I have no representation to show from either Mycenaean or Minoan sites
relevant to the ornamentation of the quiver. Homer paid very little attention

u Cf. Karo, Rtsults of the Su<edish Exeaoalions 191*- 11 Cf. Karo, ibid., 113, and also 208.

1930, Stockholm 1938, 38. “ Cf. Karo, ibid., resp. nos. 394 and 605-607.

GARTERS—QUIVER ORNAMENTS? 129

to the quiver. The Greek name is, as is known, 9 ap 4 Tpn> and we have very
little information concerning its form from Homer. We hear only that it
was hollow, KoiXri fapfrrpn* and fitted with a lid, -rrcona, to protect the
arrows from damage by the weather. Therefore the quiver was completely
closed in. In art the quiver does not appear until the late archaic period,
when it begins to be represented in connexion with the figure of Herakles.
Oapfrpr) is a purely Indo-European word: cf. Lat .ferre, Germ. bSra.

wm.

F10. 2.—Detail from Fig. i showing the Quiver.

Bonnet rightly points out that a receptacle for arrows must sooner or later
have been added to an archer’s equipment, partly to leave his hands free,
and partly to protect the arrows from damp. 14 In Babylon representations
of the quiver are found at the same time as the bow makes its first appearance.
The development was slower in Egypt where right into the Middle Kingdom
the archer is pictured with his arrows in a bundle, and sometimes with a
kind of hood around the arrowheads. At this time the use began also of
receptacles of various kinds, both broad shallow baskets and long and narrow

14 Bonnet, Die Waffen der Volker des alien Orients, Leipzig 1926, 174.

AXEL W. PERSSON

130

wooden holders. Such receptacles have been found in tombs dating from
the Middle Kingdom, still partly filled with arrows. It is possible that this
latter type served chiefly for storing the arrows at home, as it was unmanage¬
able in battle. Highly-placed persons had a special servant who accom¬
panied them and who carried the quiver hanging from a strap over the arm
or shoulder. In general, however, the archers in battle, even in the New
Kingdom, carried their arrows loose, and the use of a special weapon-bearer
was restricted to the most important people. From this time forward, i.e.
from the middle of the 18th Dynasty, when Egypt, through fighting in the
Near East, came into closer contact with the Semitic peoples, the use of the
quiver became prevalent in Egypt. It is a fact that at the same time the
Semitic name for the quiver was adopted. 15

The shape of the quiver during the New Kingdom was probably adapted
from that of Asia Minor. The quiver tapers downwards, and is generally
fitted with a lid, attached to the receptacle by a strap. Many such quivers
of leather have been found, often embellished with impressed designs.
Probably this cornet-like type originated in the Babylonian civilisation,
whence it came to Syria and then to Egypt, first during the Hyksos period—
at the same time as the chariot. Very often the quiver is represented as
Semitic tribute and is always carried by the Semites themselves. Wolf
reproduces (op. cit. pi. 16) a pair of well-preserved leather quivers from the
Maherperis tomb. The ornamentation consists in the one case of impressed
designs on the red leather, 16 and in the other of sewn-on strips and small
pieces of coloured leather (plate 13, b).

It seems probable that the quiver reached the Greek civilisation under
similar circumstances, namely in company with the war-chariot and the
horse. It probably formed a more luxurious part of a prince’s equipment.
During the Mycenaean period they were cither attached to a chariot—the
representations on the stelae from the Shaft Graves are not detailed enough
to make them visible—or, as in Egypt, they were carried by special weapon-
bearers. For my part, I assume that the Mycenaean quiver was adopted
from Egypt. I refer to the connexions between Egypt and Mycenae which
I believe we can already trace during the period of the Shaft Graves. 17 The
relations demonstrable just at this time make such a supposition more prob¬
able than that the quiver was adopted directly from Asia Minor. Even in
this case one must to some extent, and especially concerning the artistic

16 Cf. Walthcr Wolf, DU Beivaffnung des alldgyptischen dais da Gebrauth des Kockers sieh Pen den Semi ten auf dir
Heeres, Leipzig 1926, 51 : 1 DU FestsUllung, dais das Anpter ubertragen hat ’.

im M.R. zum ersten Male iberlUferte Wort fur den Koeher ■* For this decoration, if. Karo, op. cit., 81, fig. 19,
isp. t tin hebrdisch und ktiisihfliuh uberlufertes semitisches no. 292.

Wort ist und doss Urn ein Mitglied der in Beni Hasan 15 Cf Persson, New tombs at Dendra near Midea, 176 ff.
dargesleUlen SmitenMarauane trdgt, versl&rkt die Vermutung,

GARTERS—QUIVER ORNAMENTS? 131

embellishment, take into account ‘ ortlich und zeitlick begrenzte Silte as
Karo does with the interpretation of the controversial gold objects called
‘ Gamaschenhalter \ It seems, however, probable that the quiver, once it
came into use, also became popular. That Homer does not describe it more
thoroughly can be accounted for by the fact that at that time the quiver had
become a normal part of an archer’s equipment.

Without wishing to suggest a direct connexion, I desire to draw attention
to the part played by the quiver in later times amongst the Scythians, whose
archers were especially famous in antiquity. 18 Their quivers were made of
wood or leather and were decorated with gold bands. Concerning the use
of the quiver in classical times, reference may be made to the ardcle ‘ Kocher ’
in Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll’s Realencyclopadie and to the article * Pharetra ’ in
Daremberg-Saglio.

The suggestion here made concerning the interpretation of the strange
gold objects from the Shaft Graves as ornamentation on quivers is not based
on extensive evidence. In any case the Egyptian reliefs come closer in time
than the late Mycenaean gaiters. The horizontal band has been placed
upwards, as Rcichel has it, and the vertical reinforced part with the ring
at the end downwards. The ring itself had something to do with the fasten¬
ing of the quiver lid. A strap was passed through the ring and tied around
the knob attached to the ring. Schliemann’s information that one of these
mysterious objects was found around the thigh-bone of a man can very well
fit in with the quiver theory, for the quiver was carried over the shoulder
and hung down to the thigh. Also the circumstance that the ‘ Gamaschen¬
halter ’ were several times found in pairs does not upset the theory. In later
times it is established that archers carried two or three quivers so as to be
plentifully supplied with missiles.

Axel W. Persson

11 Cf. Minns, Scythians end Greeks, Cambridge 1913, 67 IT., and Index s.v. ' Quiver ’.

LES ‘AGORAS DE DIEUX’ EN GRfcCE

Lcs remarques ici presentees ne touchcnt qu’indirectcment aux domaines
ou M. A. J. B. Wace est specialiste et maitre; qu’il veuille bien, pourtant, les
agr^er, en souvenir dc notrc longue et amicalc communaute de travail dans
1’Orient hellenique: Iv elprivrj xal In ttoMuco !

En suivant reccmment les dtudes consacr^es aux probl£mcs des agoras
grecques, etudes qui n’ont pas cesse d’etre nombreuses et interessantes—-jc
pense ici, par exemple, aux observations faites encore en 1949-1950, par R. E.
Wycherley, en Angleterre, par R. Martin, en France 1 —je n’ai pas pu eviter
l’impression d’une part peut-etre trop insuffisante accordee k certaines
decouvertes, qui ont montre, il y a peu, l’importance des primitives dyopai
6ecov; celles-ci ont ete le modele divin offert, je crois, des la periode archaique,
aux futures agoras humaines; les agoras humaines ne se sont constitutes et
organisees independamment qu’a une date relativement plus basse.

II est connu, des le temps des poemes homeriques, que les dieux grecs
passaient pour s’assembler periodiquement, a l’Olympe et ailleurs. 2 A
l’Olympe, ils etaient censes discuter tous ensemble, non sans rivalries et
querelles, les affaires du cicl et de la terre. Lorsqu’ils desccndaient parmi
les hommes, ils se reunissaient volontiers aussi, a l’tcart de leurs fidtles. II
n’est pas sur que chaque ville ait localise a l’epoque historique, en un point
reserve, hors les murs ou k l’interieur de l’enceinte commune, les terrains
sacres reserves aux epiphanies dcs maitres du mondc, terrains oil, peu k peu,
les apparitions divines furent fixees et materialises par l’erection dc statues. 3
On peut croire deja, du moins, que l’usagc religieux des consecrations d’ dyopai
0£<Sv a du etre assez repandu. II m’a semble utile de rccueillir et de classer
ici nos actuelles informations, un tel recensement ne pouvant etre, d’ailleurs,

1 R. E. Wycherley, How the Groks built cities, 1949,
London; R. Martin. Rceherches sur l'agora grecque.
£ bides d’kistoire et d’architecture urbainu, thise soutenue cn
5orbonnc lc 20 mai 1950 (a paraitre).

* Sur 1 ‘ 6ui^yvpis, assemblde et lieu d’assembl^e des
Immortels, cf. Iliade XX 142; Hymru d Dim/ter, 92;
Hymne d Apollon (suite pythique), 187; Hymne A Hermit,
332. L’expression 6^>v Ayi^yupiv est devenue une
formule assez usuclle. L’ Ay^yupis est en rapport ayec
AyopcOw, dyopd: cf. Michel Brdal, ‘ Pour micuxconnaitre
Homdre’, Lexilogus, 1906, 157-158; M. Lejeune, Traiti
de phonltiquegyecque, 1946, 169, n. 2. Mais, d’autre pan,
Eichyle applique ce composd dpique i la lumineuse
asscmblde des astres: Agamemnon, 4. Notons aussi que
&iT|yupl<jao©en est cm ployd dans FOdyssie (XVI 376)
pour ddsigner ddji la convocation de rassemblde des
gens d’lthaque. Ce textc pourrait donner une indication
sur le moment, o£i, du souvenir des ‘ agoras de dieux

on est passd a Torganisation des agoras humaines.

• II ne s’agit pas ici de reparler du thdme sculptural
des assembldes divines, encore que ceux qui en ont
traitd jusqu’ici, k propos des frontons et dcs frises,
notamment, soient loin d’avoir dit mdme l’essentiel.
Nous nous bornons volontairement k la question des
agoras de dieux. Nous nous bornons aussi au domaine
grec et grdco-oriental, sans ignorer qu’il e6t dtd

K ible, sinon utile, d’en sortir. Dcs agoras de
x ont existd en Egypte: Hcllanikos, dans ses
Aegyptiaca (citds par Athdnde, XV 680) mentionne une
ville de la vall6c du Nil, ‘ Tindion ’, ou se tenait
l’assemblie des dieux; il existait li, nous dit-on, un
grand temple de pierre, environnd d’^pines blanches
et noires, sur lcsquelles on venait d^poser, parait-il,
des couronnes de fleurs d’acanthe, des grenades
entrclac^es avee la vigne; les fleurs oflertes ne dd-
pdrissaient ni ne fanaient jamais.

LES ‘AGORAS DE DIEUX ’ EN GRfcCE

*33

qu’ assez lacunairc. Son principal mcrite pourra etre dc scrvir a amorcer
et a susciter d’autres rechcrches. 4

En utilisant parallclemcnt les textes et les trouvailles archeologiqucs, on
obtient les mentions suivantes d’agoras divines: au total, une quinzaine
d’exemples au moins, 5 prcsentes ici dans l’ordre alphabetique des noms de
villes ou de lieux.

Argos, d’abord. L’Agora des dieux d’Argos ne nous est connue que
litterairement, voire theatralcmcnt, par les Suppliants d’Eschylc. Ce lieu de
culte est signale hors les murs, sur un tcrtrc d’ou la vue plonge vers la plaine
et la mer. 6 Le tertre comportait un SXoos; il etait done boisc en partie.
Les ‘ Suppliantes ’ invoquent en cc ttmtnos Zeus, Hdlios, Apollon, Poseidon,
Hermes, et d’autres immortels encore, 7 certains represents par leurs Ppfrrj,
d’autres par leurs symboles seulemcnt: tel, semble-t-il, Poseidon par son
trident ( v . 218). II y a la un exemple tres instructif d’une agora de dieux
dorienne, archai'que, hors les murs. Zeus y semble dominer la troupe celeste.

Pour Capoue, nous connaissons aussi, dans les temps preromains, une
agora de dieux hors la ville: ce serait, d’aprds les recherches de J. Heurgon, le
sanctuaire du Fondo Patturelli, 8 temoin d’unc organisation certaincment
primitive, localisee dans un bois sacre, avec predominance, semble-t-il,
d’une deesse, Hera-Juno, assistee d’un Zeus. Les autres dieux attestes sont
Heracles-Hcrcule, Mater Matuta, Ath^na-Minerve, Helios, peut-etre Venus
Jovia.

Pour Cyrene, on peut postuler tout au moins l’existence d’un centre de
. reunion des Immortels, 9 et leur groupement parait avoir ete aussi archai'que.

Cyzique foumit un exemple dejti utilise par E. Curtius: l’appellation
semble memc s’etre etendue k tout un quarticr dc la ville, d’apts un texte
d’Aristidc, Dindorf I p. 387: 'EoiKe yap -ns drrr&irrcov elvai, tcov 0 ewv UpA,
cocnrep f|v KaAoOaiv ourcos dyopav. On peut penscr qu’il s’agit specialement de
la region du vaste Metroon local, a cause de l’analogie qu'offre desormais
l’exemplc d’Ostie, par exemple, commc on verra.

Le cas de Delos est un des mieux connus aujourd'hui, et il en sera traite
avec plus de detail, ci apr£s, car nous possedons la l’emplacemcnt exact d’une
agora de dieux, des l’epoque archaique, avec certaines des statues qui y
furent dressees par les Pisistratides: Zeus, Hera, Leto, Apollon et Artemis
figuraient dans la reunion divine, avec d’autres, semble-t-il.

4 E. Curtius, Guam. Abk. I 322, avait eu raison de ’ Ibid., 210, 220.
conclure d<*ji h (’existence de tels enclos saertb dans de • J. Heurgon; Recherches sur I’histoire , la religion, el la

nombreuses cit<s. Mais les fouilles ont apportd bien eirihsation de Capoue prt-romaine, da origines a la deuxume
des complements imj>ortants a son information. guerre punujue, 1942. 330 sqtp, 387-388.

4 M. R.Martin,danssesetudcsci-dessusmrntionnees, * Renseignement de M. Fr. Chamoux, qui prepare
en signale sept ou huit d6ji (1950). une <tude sur l'histoire de Cyrtnc avant la p^riode

4 Supplicates, 180, 713, 955. hclienistique.

>34

CH. PICARD

A Eleusis, un texte d’Aristide, Eloge d’Athenes, 16, Dindorf I p. 27, 10
fournit la mention explicite d’un lieu reserve: Gecov dyopct t6ttos £v ’EAevatvi-
etaiaai S£ els carrdv TrdvTes eutp^uco*. II cst a notcr que le sanctuaire a fourni dcs
images de divinites diverses, outre celles des Deux deesses et des cntites
divines attaches directement a leur culte.

A Gortyne, cn Crete, les fouilles italiennes ont bicn montre l’indepcndance
dcs deux agoras, separees par la route : celle ‘ des dieux ’ (pr£s du Pythion)
et celle des hommes. 11

Pour Lesbos, 12 nous devons considdrer comme une sorte d’agora divine
le sanctuaire oil le poete Alcee beneficia de Vasylia et ou etaicnt adores en-
emble, une Hera AtoAi^a, dite aussi Tev^GAa, maitresse du temtnos, un Zeus des
suppliants (Antaios?), et un Dionysos Kem'iAios, Dionysos-faon, sans doute. 12 *
Le ttminos mentionnd par Alcee etait situe au mont Pylaion, done sur un
haut-lieu, hors la ville. On y eelebrait des jeux et dcs concours de beaute
feminine. L’usagc du droit d’asile est a retenir.

II faut ici mentionner maintenant Olympic, ou le sanctuaire de l’Altis,
avec son organisation des six grands autels que connaissait deja Pindare,
groupant des sacrifices periodiques (xoivopcoula), evoque de pres ce que
nous connaissons d’autre part, de fa$on nette, pour l’agora de dieux a
Delos. L’Altis d’Olympie a ccrtainement, comme le bois sacre de Capoue,
ete le centre d’une asscmblee d’lmmortels, organisce li encore sous le patron¬
age de Zeus et d’Hera. On a pu minimiser ou exagercr Panciennete et
l’importance du groupement des dieux k Olympie. 13 II n’en correspond pas
moins a une realite indiscutablc: Zeus siegcait dans l’Altis, aux parages du
Pelopion, au pied meme du Cronion, oil il n’a eu ni acc&s, ni pouvoirs. C’est
la un exemple important d’agora de dieux en plainc, comme a Delos, oil
le Cynthe et ses abords n’avaient pas ete choisis, du moins au temps de la
domination des Pisistratidcs, deja.

Le Metroon d’Ostie a restitue, pendant les fouilles mcnees pres de la Porta
Laurentina, un petit autel des douzc dieux, de forme circulaire, qui, pu’blie
par M. G. Becatti, 14 suffit a attester Pexistence d’une communautd divine,
organisee, aux temps romains, sous l’autoritd de la Mere des dieux. 15 Comme
a Cyzique, a Thasos aussi, semblc-t-il, la Magna Mater d’Ostie devait avoir
re$u a l’epoque romaine imperiale dcs pouvoirs cosmiques qui lui donnaient
qualite pour grouper les Immortels autour d’clle.

Cf. ausii Z^nobios IV 30.

" Luigi Pemicr ct Luisa Banti, Guide dtgliscavi italiani
« .yttc, 1947, 15 sqq.; plan g<n<ral de la figure 22.

’ C {\ P '-cx-BCHLXX (1946), 455saq. (Ch. Picard).

u Alcee n a parld que a une triaae, mais il n’est
pas exclu qu'on eOl donn6 1’hospitalit* a d’autres dieux
aussi, au raonl Pylaion.

“ Sie > J*ui-€Uc encore, M. Norman O. Brown,

Hermes the Thief,

‘ Olympische Siu
XX (1920-1921), 47-78, poi
en 580 av. J. C., du culie des douzc dieux.

Ann. XXII (1942), 85-137, 5 pi.

J ai marqui sommairement d6ji l’importance de
cette dicouverte: RF.L XXIII (1945), public cn
1946, 44 - 47 -

LES ‘AGORAS DE DIEUX’ EN GRfcCE

*35

Au hasard des textcs ou dcs trouvailles archeologiques, nous pouvons
imaginer plus ou moins ce qu’etaient certains Umine sacrcs reserves pour
les dieux. C’est le cas k Pharai, par exemple, en Achai'e, une des douze
villes de la Ligue acheennc; Pausanias a signale que les dieux y ctaicnt
represents, encore en son temps, par de simples pierres aniconiques, destitu¬
tion, sans doute, primitive. On voyait la une trentaine de piliers carrcs
representant chacun un personnage divin, associes dans une curieuse intimite,
au voisinage d’unc source consacrde a Hermfes. 16 Le tertre argien cvoque
dans les Suppliantes d’Eschyle a peut-ctre eu lui-memc certains aspects de cette
etrange 1 agora ’ de piliers divins, formant des ‘ alignements ’ de pierres
equarries.

Tout autre est l’agora des dieux connue a Pergame, ou le sanctuairc de
Demeter, comme celui d’Eleusis, accueillait une reunion dTmmortels, aussi
divers, comme on va voir, qu’i Thera. 17 Sur l’esplanade du sanctuaire de
Demeter, dans la citadelle mysienne, en avant dcs gradins etablis pour les
fetes et ceremonies d’initiation, il y avait—comme dans l’Altis d’Olympie—
divers petits autcls consacres a des cntites multiples; 18 parmi cclles-ci, Zeus
Ktesios, Hermes, Helios, probablement Asclepios et Heracles; des divinites
secondaires comme Seten< 5 , Nyx, Telete, l’allegorie de l’initiation; une KaAAiyovr)
associee a Evmipia. Par souci de n’oublier personne, dans cette ‘ agora ’
si peuplee, on avait fait place meme aux ‘ dieux inconnus Les attestations
de leur culte voisinent avec les consecrations faites ‘ k tous les dieux On a
deja remarque que le local de ce ‘ Pantheon ’ pcrgamenien etait independant
de l’agora de la cite, placee, elle, sous la protection de Zeus Sotcr. II est
arrive ici et la, comme a Athenes, qu’un autcl des douze dieux ait re^u une
place, et une enceinte, sur l’agora des hommes; mais il n’y avait, au point
de depart, aucun lien necessaire entre les agoras divines et les autres.
L’exemple de Pergame pcut nous servir a imaginer plus ou moins l’agora de
dieux d’Eleusis, elle-mcmc dans un sanctuaire d’initiation (comme les agoras
divines des Metroa).

On a trop raremcnt remarque que Tanagra, cite du vin, avait eu a 1 ’epoque
hellenistique un groupement de dieux formant une ‘ agora ’. Pausanias
nous l’avait pourtant bien signale, au passage. 19 Il ne manque pas de relever
que dans la riche cite beotienne, les temples ctaicnt tous groupes: celui de
Dionysos—ajoutons, au voisinage, sans doute, celui des Deux decsses, que la
Periegese a omis—ceux de Themis, Aphrodite, Apollon; dans l’Apollonion
dtaient honores aussi Artemis et Lcto. Pausanias precisait, ainsi qu’on va

14 Pausanias VII 22, 4: toCttou* cipouoiy ol 11 Listc dans AM XXXV (1910), 451 sqq. (no. 32

karrrtp 6«o0 tivo* 6wo va iTnMyoimj. sqq.); XXXVII (1912), 286 sqq. (no. 12 sqq.).

17 Pour Pergame, ef. Erwin Ohlcmulz, DU KulU u. 11 Pausanias IX 22.

Htiliglumer dtr GotUr in Pergamon, 1940, 203 sqq.

CH. PICARD

136

voir : ‘ Parmi les Grecs, cc sont les Tanagreens,’ dit-il, ‘ qui me paraissent
avoir le mieux rendu les honneurs dus aux dieux; ils ont place leurs propres
demeures d’un cote, et de l’autre les temples, qui sont ainsi dans un cspace
libre et a 1’ecart dcs hommes ’: x w p!s lepct drop ovtoTs Iv xaOapcp te

Iotiv, Kal ektos dvQpcbn-cov. Je ne crois pas qu’on ait releve jusqu’ici Pinteret de
ce passage, si precis; il faut retenir la mention de purete , que nous rctrouvons a
Xanthos (Lycie). Elle marque le but des organisations d’agoras divines. On
estimait convenable que les dieux fussent chez eux, non pas tant pour leur
commodity ou pour eviter l’indiscretion, peut-ctre, des vues mortclles;
mais surtout, en tout cas, pour qu’on put etablir autour de leur reunion, la
barrierc sacrale, l’o'bstacle religieux contre toute impurete humaine.

A Thasos, Pagora de dieux, non encore identifiee sur le terrain, devait
etre dans le voisinage de Peglise actuelle de Limenas, et ainsi, tout pres de
1 ancien sanctuaire de la Merc des dieux, d’oii provient le trapezophore
recemment publie, trapezophore inscrit, portant aussi en relief une frisc des
dieux locaux groupes autour de Cybelc. 20 La meme region a donne des
dedicaces ‘ a tous les dieux \ 21

Thera offre un excmple archaiquc tres interessant des precautions prises
pour isoler P ‘ agora de dieux 1 en pays dorien. 22 Les indications qu’on
rencontre 1 & corroborcnt celles, litteraires, des SupplianUs d’Eschyle. L’agora
de dieux etait installee, a Thera, sur la croupe rocheuse choisie par les colons,
mais au Sud, a Popposite du site humain. Les autels sont identifies, les uns au
voisinage dcs autres, par dcs inscriptions gravdes sur le roc. 23 Une inscription
mentionne les images divines placdes irp6 to aau n io. 24 II s’agit done la
aussi, comme a Argos, de signes symboliques ayant tenu en certains cas la
place de dieux, et Pon notera, dans les Suppliantes d’Eschyle, Pemploi, fait
precisemcnt par le poete, du meme mot. 25 La ressemblance entre Argos et
Thera s’etend au dispositif des deux sanctuaires: ils comportdrent, Pun et
1 autre, une zone degagee et largement accessible, pour les ceremonies et les
fetes, zone oil les humains etaient occasionnellement reunis. Mais le lieu
d’assemblec des dieux etait a part, ainsi qu’a Tanagra, ou a Xanthos, dans
une encemte riseroee, associant les autels, les symboles, les statues. L’esplanade
de Lhera, amenagee devant une paroi rocheuse, bordee d’un mur puissant, 26
montre encore les ruines d’un edifice oil Hiller von Gaertringen avait voulu

/( ' Ch - Picard, MonPiot XL (1944), 107-n.i
, Trapezophore iculpte d’un sanctuaire thasien')
Le trapezophore avait ete dedie par une Dretrase
4 IV I>og^ antonine. P

nrrn Ptw. 1 ^. 74 ’ Xir &r$uppltm. 435: G. Daux,
CL 1 \ < 1 55 . no. 5. C/ aussi Ch. Picard Mon-

Pw ' X V,/ , 944 ), 123-124-

6 " HiUct v ®n Gaertringen, Thera I 283 sqq.; Ill
“ ^Tura III 62 sqq.

** IG XII 3, 452; cf. Thera, I 203.

’* Suppliantes 205, 218.

** T ^ a J a8 3 sqq- ; Cf. SupplianUs $o8. Oil, si Ton
adopte Ja le?on des mss., il faut admettre que le
sanctuaire argien comprenait, lui aussi, une place

' --*• inuumcm qu cue

etait resen-ec aux profanes, en 1’appclant: pifiri^ov
6X005.

LES ‘AGORAS DE DIEUX’ EN GRfcCE

*37

sans preuves, voir un temple. Une grotte s’ouvrait dans le banc rupestre,
grotte qu’on voit environnee, soit descriptions, soit de graffiti. Les dieux
mentionnes la sont Zeus, Apollon, les Couretcs, les Dioscures, Lechaia et
Damia. C’est Zeus qui est le plus frequemment invoque a Thera, comme
aillcurs, avcc les surnoms d’Hikcsios, ou dc Meilichios, rappelant ainsi
l’Antaios de Lesbos, lui-meme accueillant aux suppliants, aux exiles.

Bien que Xanthos (Lycie) soit cxclue—comme Capoue, Cyrene, Cyzique,
Pergame aussi, d’ailleurs—du domaine geographique de la Grece propre, il
faut s’arreter avec attention devant ce que nous y pouvons apprendre au sujet
dcs agoras dc dieux. En se reportant a la carte dressee en 1892 par E.
Krickl a Xanthos, lorsqu’il accompagnait O. Benndorf dans 1 ’exploration de
la Lycie, 27 on voit que la ‘ tombe ’ dite * des Harpyies ’ se dressait sur unc pente
au bord d’unc etendue plate, dominant la vallee encaissee du Xanthos a
l’Ouest. A cinquante pas au N.-E., il y a une autre stele-pilier, comparable
pour la forme et les dimensions. Les reliefs qui y etaient sculptes viennent
d’etre retrouves en partie. 28 Les cdtes portent une longue inscription en
langue et ecriture lycienne. Mais au milieu de cctte inscription locale, il y a
douze vers grccs—dc la fin du V ou du debut du IV s.—par lesquels nous
apprenons que le monument etait situc sur l’agora de dieux a Xanthos. 29
Le monument est connu sous le nom de ‘ Stele des Harpagides ’, ou ‘ Stele de
Xanthos ’. C’est un trophee de guerre, en tour-pilicr. Moins encore que la
‘ Tombe ’ dcs Harpyies—qui n’est pas un uvnua purement prive, comme on le
disait encore en 1942, mais plutot une consecration locale faite aux dieux
infernaux—la stele des Harpagides ne peut passer pour une offrande simple-
ment pcrsonnclle des princes du pays: c’est un monument public dc victoirc;
car, ainsi que le dit le texte grec, le dedicant l’a offertc ‘ aux douze dieux ’:

Av&r)K£V

8co6ekcx 6eo!s dryopas £v xaQapcoi TEpivEi
vik£cov xai TroAiyov pvfjiaa t 65 e dQdvarov.

Ce texte important n’a peut-etre pas etc considere d’assez prfcs; il attestc
que les deux tours-piliers connues de Xanthos ornaient unc agora de dieux,
dans un ttminos * pur ’, selon l’expression que nous avons deja rencontree et
commentee (ci-dessus, Tanagra). L’agora de dieux, a Xanthos, n’a pas ete
forcement 4 le centre religieux et civique de la ville ’, comme l’ccrit encore
M. J. F. Tritsch. 30 On sait d’ailleurs qu’il a existe une autre agora a Xanthos,

* T On la trouve republic cn 1942: cf. F.J. Tritsch, Dcvambez, 195 °);

JHS LXII (1942J, 39 sqq., pi. I-IV ; pour la carte, cf " Cf O. Benndorf, W. Jahrt
40, fig. r. F.W. Konig, Klolho, 1936; P.

'• Ainsi que le couronnement de la stile-tour, [Aarshift vor Aarhus Urwersttel
analogue A celui des Harpyies. On a maintenant diji Pour le texte grec, cf. Kalinka, TAM I (igoij 1, 44,6,
un bloc d’angle dc la frise dicorie (haut. 1 m. 60), 21.

avec difilis et combats (Mission P. Dcmargne P. ,# JHS LXII (1942), 4^41.

<h. Ill (1900),98 sqq.;
Meriggi, Acta jutlcndiea

IX ( 1937 ). 5°4 «iq*

GH. PICARD

138

pendant la periodc romaine. L’agora de dieux etait un lieu-saint oil il
devait avoir aussi le Sarpedoneion , vers PEst, et oil 1 c culte de Glaucos cst attesti
epigraphiquement.

Notre classement—si conventionnel, provisoire, et incomplct qu’il doive
paraitre—des sites oil les agoras divines paraissent avoir existi, revile dej4
certaines particularity de cos installations cries pour les dieux. Les unes
sont sur les hauteurs, les autres cn plaine; mais ce sont partout des lieux
saints: 'Ev KcxQapcoi -repiva, nous dit-on k Xanthos comme a Tanagra. II
scrait difficile de ne pas voir quc ce besoin religieux de grouper dans un
meme peribole de sanctuaire, ou pour le moins sur des autcls communs,
le culte des dieux d’une cite—besoin manifest^ a travers toute l’aire du monde
hcllcnique, ici ou 14 —a du influencer le dispositif des agoras grecques, oil
la place majeure accordee aux dieux, aux heros, restait significative. Aucune
demagogic n’a pu modifier, nullc part, cet etat de choses.

Certes, il n’y a aucun lien necessaire entre ces assemblies de dieux et les
cultes de l’agora. Mais, il arrive, comme on a vu, quc les agoras de dieux,
leurs communs autels, soient hospitalises, tantot dans des sanctuaires (Eleusis,
Olympie), tantot, tout aussi bien, sur l’aire d’une agora humaine, ou dans son
voisinage immediate.

Avant de conclure, je voudrais signaler ici 1 ’importance exceptionnelle
d une agora de dieux, sur laquelle des decouvertes recentes nous renseignent
en detail: cclle de Delos. A mi-chcmin sur la carte entre Xanthos et Ostie,
dans une lie ou les Romains et les Orientaux se sont meles, des le II s. avant
notre ire, aux Grecs, nous avons la chance de bien connaitre une agora de
dieux typique, constituie des le temps des Pisistratides, a l’interieur d’un
temenos 'pur ’, qui, voisin du sanctuaire de Leto, peut-etre meme dipendant
du culte de cette diesse, a du etre placi originairement sous la caution de la
mere des Litoldcs: une ‘ diesse-merc ’ comme cellcs qui, de Cyzique k
Ostie, ont iti vol on tiers suzeraines et garantes des lieux d’assemblies divines.

Avant la fin du VI s. nous trouvons constitui a Dilos—non au Cynthc
mais dans la rigion des marais primitifs du bas Inopos, en direction de la
calanque de Skhardana, pres du Litoon—un groupement d’autels et de
statues divines dont nous voyons encore l’enceinte, et les vestiges. 31 Le
tmj/m dc Lito avait du laisser plus de liberti que les sanctuaires principaux,
d Apollon ou d’Artemis, pour agreger a la triadc dilienne, au temps oil

kT; ***** X 2 (,9,9) - 243 gS H ^. ensemble, corresoondant 1 la

* diji R/Vafili BCHUUUtntA ‘" adc , ^-nlhienoc; au cenlre, Apollon, Artemis,

Ch. Picard MonPiol XII fio.M S£S!' ' XAo »j!? suzcra,n » locaux, sur le plus gr-and autcl:

dispositif d« au.eU Hsn. i Jrv'xrJS*. C Z° UT . d ftu,r “ <Vin*cr, Zeus Eubouleus,

Ch. Picard MonPiot X I l 7 i O ’ i 4 ' .*? suzcra,ns sur le plus gr-and

LES ‘AGORAS DE DIEUX’ EN GRfcCE

i39

les Pisistratides etaient maitrcs de Pile, les divinitcs dc l’Attiquc. En tout
cas, ce n’est pas au Lctoon que les statues divines ont cte transferees quand
les Antigonides, qui se tenaient eux aussi pour des dieux, ont usurpe au debut
du III s. l’enceinte reservec, ct y ont installe leur propre temple. Les
statues archai'ques qui ont pu etre reconstitutes, et qui nous rcstent, avaient du
subsister en memo place, tout en s’alignant alors contre le temple mace-
donien, qui a passe trop longtemps sans preuves pour un Asclcpieion. 32
II n’y a pas eu trace, notons-le, a Delos, dans Penceinte rtservee aux dieux,
d’un droit d’asilc pour les refugies et proscrits, comparable a cc que nous
voyons ailleurs, au Mont Pylaion de Lesbos, par exemple.

Apres que les saintes images datees des Pisistratides n’eurent plus d’autre
role que de constituer une sorte de 1 haie d’honneur ’ encadrant les effigies
des deux nouveaux Olympiens, parvenus et tard-venus, Antigone lc Borgne et
Demetrios Poliorcctc, les dieux pisistratiques demeurdrent pourtant, dans
Pesprit des Deliens tout au moins, les veri tables maitres du lieu-saint ct du
temple macedonien. La fa$on dont l’cdifice est appele dans les inventaires
est significative, et Pexprcssion -ra 6w8eKa reprend probablement, d’apres
des textes anterieurs, la designation des ex-voto primitifs. Les Grecs avaient
garde partout l’habitude, contractee primitivement, d’immortaliscr les
assemblies divines, ou les dieux passaient pour discuter, comme ils font dans
les pocmcs homeriques, sur les interets de POlympe. Cc sont les reccntes
recherches entreprises a Delos par mon eleve M. J. Marcade, qui nous ont
renseignes le mieux sur les ScbSexa 6 eo1 deliens. 33

Th. Homolle avait considere comme des Athenas archai'ques deux statues
incomplites, qu’il avait trouvees en 1885, aux parages de PAgora des Italiens,
done la memc ou nous rcconnaissons aujourd’hui le Dodecathcon ct son
peribole. Les pieces, restees inedites, provenaient de la region de Pautel
Athena—Zeus—H6ra, dedie a une triade dont les Romains ont fail un jour
leur trinitc capitoline. Peu avant la guerre dc 1939, M. Chr. Karousos avait
rapproche quelques debris nouveaux dc ces statues. Mais e’est a M. J.
Marcade qu’il a ete donne d’aboutir a une reconstitution plus instructive et
plus complete. L’Athena delienne est conscrvee sur une hauteur dc 1 m. 27,
depuis le haut de la gorge jusqu’au bas de la jambe. II s’agit d’une Athena
en armes, Enhoplos, en chiton et himation. Lc ‘ drape ’ est insolite, surtout
par le rendu de l’egide, dont les gros serpents, jadis saillants, aujourd’hui

'* Cf. la-dessus mon <iiudc dans MonPiot XL 1 (1946), leusc pi*i6 dc* Pisistratides. Dc mtme. dans lc
73-90- Quand les Antigonides voulurcnt sc faire sanctuairc, les beta dtyUwxTa du Poryus naos ont pu
reprdsenter cux-memes dans lc t/m/nos, dominant dc ftre transfer^* un jour au temple voisin.
leurs effigies colossales lc pantheon hell^nique alignd ** Les travaux dc M. J. Marcadd ont fait Tobjcl
des deux c6tds contrc la murs latdraux, ils ont sans d’un memoire prdscntd 4 l'Acaddmie des Inscriptions ct
doutc fait remonter, k l’intdrieur du tMnot, la statues Bella-Uttra. ctdoivent dtre publics dans un prochain
d’une consecration vdndrable qui perpdtuait l’orgucil- fascicule du BCH.

140

CH. PICARD

decapites, paraissent sortir du vetement sacre: les peintures de vases font
bicn comprendre du moins un tel dispositif, et montrent aussi comment
les reptiles sacres peuvcnt apparaitre d’un seul cote: c’est que, I’egide-cape
couvrant tout le corps, le geste du bras droit a entraine lateralement l’himation.
M. J. Marcade a retrouve aussi l’arrangcment des serpents sur le buste: il a pu
restituer quelques elements des bras, et ceux d’un bouclier, decore d’animaux
fantastiques. Quant a la tete de 1 ’Athena, il y a de tr£s grandes chances,
commc je l’ai signale, pour qu’elle soit celle decouverte un peu au dela du
Dodccatheon, 34 dans la direction de l’Etablissement des Poseidoniastes dc
Berytos. Si le raccord materiel est devenu, k cause de l’usure dcs fragments,
impossible, 1’appartenance de la piece a la statue est plus que vraisemblablc.

Dat^e d’environ 520-510 av. J. C., 1 * Athena Enhoplos delienne, ainsi
reconstitute, se distingue par une tendance architectonique dont rclevent aussi
les Cores d’Antcnor; c’est done bien une oeuvre d’Atdque, une de ccs
Athenas dont les Pisistratides, organisateurs de l’Agora de dieux delienne,
avaient introduit les images dans Pile sainte.

Nous avons maintenant aussi d’autres informations sur les statues de
l’Agora divine des Delicns. Th. Homolle avait cru pouvoir identifier les
restes d’une seconde Athena, provenant du meme sectcur. Mais cc qu’il
interprdtait sur la statue comme le reste possible d’un Gorgoneion, e’etait
au vrai, une depouille dc fauve, nouee au cou d’une autre deesse, deesse que
M. J. Marcade, tres ingtnieusement, a fait reconnaitre pour une Artemis.
C est la—avec 1 ’Artemis de l’ex-voto de la Naxicnnc Nicandra, si Ton veut—
le seul type certain de la Letoide que nous puissions connaitre a Delos pour
la demiere partie du VI s., les Cores de l’Artcmision n’ttant pas plus des
Artemis, malgrc le titre de la these latine de Th. Homolle, que ccllcs dc
l’Acropole ne sont toutes des Athenas. L’Artemis delienne etait adossec
a une paroi, comme VEnhoplos. Le dos des deux statues n’est en effet degrossi
que sommairement. Les images sacrees se tenaient sans doute primitivc-
ment dtj& au long du mur interieur d’un peribole; la divine assemblee se
prdsentait Ik debout, en file et non en cercle.

Nous avons encore d’ailleurs quelques autres fragments des Olympicns dc
l’agora divine, trouves aux memes parages. Th. Homolle avait mentiohne,
sans les reconnaitre, les vestiges d’une effigie matronale, H£ra ou Demeter; 35
lui-meme signalait des Cores, dont deux au moins, trouvees en 1880 et 1883,
toujours dans la m£me region, appellent l’attention. L’une, dont 1 ’appar¬
tenance au groupe de l’Agora dc dieux est etablie, avait ete publide par P.
Paris en 1889: 36 il est possible qu’on y puisse reconnaitre desormais une Lcto.

** Cf. /i-dessus, drfj4, Ch. Picard, Explor. arch. Dtlos, ** Archives des missions, 3 s^ric, XIII (1887), 407.

Introd. >• BCH XIII (1889), 217 sqq., pi. VII.

LES ‘AGORAS DE DIEUX’ EN GRfcCE 141

Nous nc manquons pas, non plus, de l’effigic la plus attendue: car M. J.
Marcade pense avoir retrouvc dans le ‘ citharede Bakalakis \ 3 ' 1 *Apollon du
groupe solenncl. L’ceuvre aussi est sommairement travaillec du c6te du dos;
il s’agit done encore d’une effigie adossee, de la meme scrie.

Ainsi pouvons evoquer precieusemcnt la reunion des effigies qui peu-
plaient le ttminos. M. J. Marcade a ete bicn fonde, je crois, a les identifier
avec certains des Dodika agalmata , qui ornaient le peribole voisin du Letoon,
et qui constituaient \k unc sorte de cour officiellc, placec sous le patronage de
la D^essc-mere, voisine. C’cst aux Pisistratides qu’on peut rapporter la
consecration de tout cet ensemble, oil la presence d’Athena est significative,
repondant a des intentions politicoes, plus encore que religieuses, intentions
dont les vicissitudes de la vie politique delienne—si souvent menacee en son
indcpcndance, des le temps meme des Pisistratides—marquent assez la
portee.

II eut ete facheux qu’il manquat, dans le lot des statues le couple du maitre
des immortels, Zeus, et son epouse. Fort heureusement, reprenant, corrigcant
certaines de mes etudes de 1924, 38 cntrepriscs a un moment oil l’on ne soup-
$onnait encore, ni l’existence de PAgora de dieux delienne, ni sa place,
M. J. Marcade a su tirer cxcellemmcnt parti de divers fragments archalques
epars, dont j’avais au moins signale le prix. La oil j’avais cru a tort pouvoir
distinguer les restes de trois ‘ deesses ’ differentes, il faut reconnaitre plutot
une Hera assise, et un Zeus tronant. Cette paire divine formait vraisemblable-
ment ainsi le centre de la file des Dodeka Agalmata , selon les exigences dc la
hierarchie et de Part. Les lieux de trouvailles permettent de penser que les
deux effigies principales etaient jadis voisines, elles-memes, du Letoon:
dies ne viennent pas dc l’Heraeon archaique au pied du Cynthe, ainsi que je
l’avais pu croire, trompe par d’inexactes indications d’inventaircs. Ce qui est
vrai, du moins, e’est qu’elles accusent des influences artistiques un peu
differentes, par comparaison avec le reste du lot. En elles, s’associent et
s’enchevetrcnt les tendances de l’Attique et cclles de l’Orient ionien. Auraicnt-
elles ete con 9 ues, executees a part, puis jointes ^ Tensemble de FAgora de
dieux, apres la chute des Pisistratides? Il ne faut pas hdsiter du moins,
d’apr^s les lieux des trouvailles, a les compter dans la liste des sculptures
archaiques groupees aux parages du Letoon, vers 500-490.

Les grands autels du Dodecatheon delien, posterieurs aux statues pisistra-
tiques, attestent aussi, pour leur part, la survivancc du culte, aux lieux memes
ou les debris recup^res des premieres effigies divines ont retrouves.

Grace aux recentes trouvailles et etudes deliennes, l’Agora de dieux revit,
dans Pile des Letoides, de fa 9 on plus vivante, semble-t-il, qu’aucune autre

** Rtv. art. one. tt moderne LXV (ig 24 )» 8l *75 «iq-

•’ BCH LX (1936), 39

142

CH. PICARD

ailleurs; Installation de 1’Agora dite ‘des Italiens’ s’cn accommoda plus
tard et evita de l’exproprier, malgre quelques empietements sur la bordurc
Nord. 39 Nous pouvons done suivre, en ce lieu privilegie, une assez longue
histoire, qui nous apparait conservee mieux qu’ailleurs.

Jc n’entreprends pas de discuter ici les rapports des agoras divines, lieux
d’assemblee des Immortcls, avec les autels des Douze dieux, sur lesquels on a
deja beaucoup ecrit. Les uns ct les autres ne doivent point etre confondus;
mais il m’apparait que les dyoperi &&V ont influence au moins, et 1c culte
celebre des Douze dieux, 40 et, d’autre part, installation des agoras humaincs.

Ch. Picard

** Cf. le plan donnd par R. ValIois, 5 C//LIII (1920),
pi. 6.

49 J’ai marqud au passage que les agoras divines ont
$a et la, organisdes sous le patronage des ddesses-
mdres. Le culte des Douze dieux aussi. On le voit a
Cyzique, k Ostie, par cxcmplc. M. H. Metzger a
ddcouvert rdeemment, au musde d'Adalia, de nouveaux
ex-voto aux Douze dieux lyciens. Sur un dc ces
ex-voto (Inv. 200: district de Kas), les dieux, armds, se
rangent en deux groupes de six, de chaque c6td d’une
divinitd maniftslemml fiminine\ ce qui ruinc les thdories

d’ O. Weinreich, d’aprds qui la treizidme figure, dans
cette catdgorie d’ex-voto, aurait du dtre celle dc
I’empereur, voire celle du Christ (entre les douze
ap6tres); cf. lykische Zwot/gotUrrelitfs, L'ex-voto
no. 200 du Musde d'Adalia qui montre une ddesse
suzerainc parmi les douze dieux lyciens, porte une
inscription nommant Aridmis. C’cst done, encore,
une divinitd fdminine—une ddesse-mdre—qui occupe
la place d’honneur, comme aussi, ddi&, dans telle ou
telle des agoras divines, par exemple & Lesbos (ci-

ACCIDENTAL AND INTENTIONAL RED GLAZE ON

ATHENIAN VASES

(plates 14-17)

Professor Wace’s many distinguished contributions to archaeology have
teen in a variety of fields. In all, however, he has kept an eye on the technical
side of the problem, which so often illuminates our research. I, therefore,
offer this investigation in his honour.

After Mr. Charles F. Binns had in 1929 published his theory of the firing
of Athenian vases successively under oxidising, reducing, and re-oxidising
conditions it became clear that the glaze on Greek vases turned red or black
according to the conditions of the firing. 1 This theory has recently been
endorsed and amplified by Mr. Theodor Schumann, a ceramic chemist, who,
at the instigation of the well-known archaeologist Mr. Carl Weickert, con¬
ducted during the war a scries of experiments in the chemical laboratory of
the Schiitte Akt. Ges. fur Tonindustrie in Heisterholz, Westphalia, and at long
last successfully imitated the Attic black glaze. Like Binns, he used as the
only ingredients for the glaze a clay that contained iron— i.e. red-burning—and
a small quantity of alkali (potash or soda). 2 His important new contribution *
was the peptising of the clay, whereby he eliminated the heavier particles. By
using only the fluid made of the smaller and therefore lighter particles of the
clay, he obtained a glaze of remarkable thinness, equal in quality and
appearance to the Attic one. 3 a

Both these theories are, of ctSffsc, founded on the fact that in an oxidising
fire, where there is an excess of air and oxygen, the carbon of the fuel combines
with two atoms of oxygen to form carbon dioxide, whereas in a reducing fire,
where the air is shut off and smoke introduced, the carbon monoxide will
extract oxygen from the red ferric oxide present in the clay and convert it
into black magnetic oxide of iron (3Fe 2 0 3 + CO =*2Fe 3 0 4 4 - CO s ). 4

1 Binns and Fraser, * The Genesis of the Greek I still continue to use the word glaze is simply because
Black Glaze \ AJA XXXIII (1929), 5 ff.; Richter there seems to be no better term, since varnish, engobe,
and Hall, Red-figured Athenian Vases in the Metropolitan semi-glaze, and * glaze ’ arc all either incorrect or
Museum, xliii f.; Richter, At tie Red-Figured Vases (1946), cumbrous. And after all, the Greek application,
28 f. whatever its chemical nature, served physically the

k* Schumann, Beriehte der deutschen keramistken same purpose as a modem glaze. Cf. my statement
Wksellschaft 23 (1942), 408 ff., and Forsehungen und in Archaic Greek Art (1949), 4 f., note 7 (endorsed by
Wktsehritte XIX (1943), 356 ff.; Weickert. AA 1942, Miss Maude Robinson and Miss Mane Farnsworth).
K ff.: American Ceramic Society Abstracts, 23 [7] (1944). ‘ Bo,h Miss Farnsworth and Mr. Schumann think

■Bo; Prins de Jong and Rijken, American Ceramic that this formula is preferable to that of CO 4 -hc.O,—
Society Bulletin 1046, 5 ff.; Lane, Greek Pottery, 4 ff. CO, + 2 FeO, for ferrous oxide (FeO) is non-magnetic
• Mr. Weickert and Mr. Schumann pointed out and unstable, whereas the Greek black glaze and black
that the Greek application is not a glaze in the technical magnetic oxide of iron (Fe, 0 «) are magnetic and
sense, for it docs not contain a sufficient quantity of stable {cf. Farnsworth, Hesperia IX (1940;, 265;
alkali to make it melt at a high temperature. That Schumann, Forsehungen und Forts(hntte IX (1943}, 35 o)-

144

GISELA M. A. RICHTER

An important factor in Schumann’s new discovery is that the glaze, which
turns red in the first (oxidising) stage of the firing and black in the second
(reducing) stage, remains black in the final or third (re-oxidising) stage only
where it was thickly applied, but is reconverted into red where it was thinly
applied. The obvious reason for this is that in a thin layer the glaze—like
the terracotta body—is porous enough to re-absorb the oxygen in the final
stage of the firing, whereas in a thick layer it is not able to do so—at least not
in the comparatively low temperature of about 950° C. at which Attic vases
were fired. Mr. Weickcrt and Mr. Schumann kindly sent me sample*
illustrating the various stages cf their experiments, and they were very
convincing.

Armed with this new knowledge, we can now, I think, attack a number of
technical problems with the hope of perhaps finding the right solution. I
propose here to discuss the red-glazed areas that we occasionally encounter
on Attic vases—distinguishable, of course, both from the ‘ reserved ’ red of
the terracotta body and from the red ochre wash 5 by their gloss. Some of
these red-glazed areas are unintentional, mere accidents, due to faulty
application or firing, others are clearly intentional. 6

I. Accidental Red Glaze.

(a) By far the most numerous instances of red-glazed areas on Attic
vases are caused by the accidental protection from reduction in the kiln.
We are all familiar with this phenomenon. Either through stacking or
through contact with a jet of air, an area was protected from the fumes
introduced during the reducing fire, and so remained red.

A covered bowl in the Metropolitan Museum 7 is a convincing example
of protection from reduction through stacking (plate 14, a , b ). The bowl and
its lid were evidently intended to be black throughout (with only the usual
‘ reserved ’ red areas). But whoever fired the piece stacked the lid upside
down, inside the bowl. Consequently, the inside of the bowl and most of
the outside of the lid came out red. The circumference of the red area on
the lid corresponds to the circumference of the rim of the bowl where the two

4 On the red ochre wash—which was presumably ating answers to my questions; and to Miss Lucy
applied on the whole surface of Attic vases, though it Talcott, for sending Mr. Schumann samples of
mostly survives only in such relatively protected areas intentional and accidental red glaze from Athens,
as the undersides of the feet and handles— cf. my which greatly assisted his investigations.

Craft of Athenian Pottery (1923), 53 fT., and Attic Red - ’ Acc. no. 23.43. BuUMetrMus XVIII (1923), 127;

Figured Vases (1946}, 27 f.; also Hussong, £ur Technik Richter and Milne, Shapes and Names of Athenian Vases,
der altischen Gefasskeramik (Heidelbwg Diss., >928), 23. fig. 150. On stacking, cf Binns, op. cit., 6. 7; Richter
• My warm thanks are due to Miss Maude Robinson, and Hall, op. cit., xlii; Richter, Attic Red-Figured Vases,
potter, and Miss Mary Farnsworth, chemist, for 33, 172, notes 121, 122, and my forthcoming CVA
constant help and advice in this research; to Mr. fascicule on black-figured kylikes in the Metropolitan
Theodor Schumann, with whom I carried on a lively Museum,
correspondence during the last years, for his illumin-

RED GLAZE ON ATHENIAN VASES 145

touched, and, as the lid was apparently placed a little askew, the circle is
asymmetrical. The fit was not tight, and some fumes penetrated into the
interior, hence the occasional black streaks in the red areas. Such black
intrusions are naturally frequent. Sometimes, in fact,\he smoke was able
to penetrate to the covered areas to such an extent that partial reduction took
place, resulting in a brownish or greyish colour. These partially reduced
areas are particularly frequent in kylikes that were stacked in the kiln.

A neck amphora in the Metropolitan Museum with a large red spot on one
side (plate 15, c) 8 may serve as an example of protection from reduction
through contact with a jet of air. The latter probably entered through a tiny
crack in the kiln wall near which the vase had been placed. 9

W There are other red-glazed areas, however, also evidently un¬
intentional, that cannot be due to protection from reduction in the kiln,
and for which another explanation must be found. A case in point is a volute
krater in the British Museum. 10 Here, in the scene of Cassandra and Ajax
and in the patterns on the upper part of the neck and under the handles, some
parts of the background (including the contour stripes) are reddish, whereas
immediately adjacent areas are black (plate 14, c , d ). An examination of
the vase—with Mr. Ashmole and Mr. Martin Robertson in 1948—supplied
an answer to this puzzling phenomenon. Evidently the painter had applied
his glaze* too thinly, and when he realised his mistake, he added a second
coating. In this second application, however, he missed some parts, and
he did not take the trouble to go over the contour stripes around the figures
and the patterns. So these thinly coated parts, being porous enough to
re-absorb the oxygen during the third stage of the firing, became red again.

We can find many instances of such re-oxidised areas on Attic vases. A
surface painted with a full brush will show up jet black, but, perhaps near
the edges or wherever the coating was thinner, it will appear reddish. Some¬
times, perhaps through careless handling of the ware in placing it in the kiln,
a vase came into too close contact with the kiln wall or with another vase, so
that some of the glaze was rubbed off and that area then became red in the
re-oxidising fire. 11 This would explain why red spots sometimes occur in
conjunction with dents.

M A third type of unintentional red is likewise a not uncommon

* Acc. no. GR. 607. Richter, Craft , 45, 50, fig. 49. contact with other vases; for the fumes of the reducing

Sir John Beazlev now thinks the vase is Campanian, fire are liable to penetrate through every crevice,
not Attic, but it will serve my purpose, as the red Moreover, contact with another vase would take place
shows up1 well in the photograph. only in a very limited area, and so would produce

• Such cracks are produced also nowadays, Mr. only relatively small red spots (see below), not the
Schumann informs me, and arc due to successive often extensive red areas observ ed on Greek vases,
heatings and coolings of the kiln. In his opinion such E 470. Beazley, ARV 430; Talcott in Vander-
cracks must have been by far the commonest cause of pool, Hesperia XV (1946), 286.

the red spots on Greek vases, not, as we had thought, “ This is Mr. Schumann’s suggestion.

GISELA M. A. RICHTER

146

phenomenon. It, too, has puzzled us for a long time. It occurs when the
black glaze has peeled in places and has exposed a glossy surface underneath.
This red I once tentatively explained, at Mr. Binns’ suggestion, as ‘ the red
ochre wash ’ that had become vitrified through contact with the glaze. 12
Mr. Schumann, after examining two samples sent him by Miss Talcott from
Athens, provisionally came to the same conclusion—pending further study
with more material. 13 If this explanation proves to be correct, it incidentally
endorses the theory of an all-over red ochre application (see note 5).

II. Intentional Red (Beazley’s Coral Red)

Some of the red-glazed areas on Attic vases are, however, clearly not
accidental but intentional. They occur principally on cups and bowls.
The red and the black glaze arc effectively contrasted in precisely defined
areas—a black lip set off against a red-glazed bowl (cf plate i 5, a, b), or a black
medallion in the interior (with decoration in reserved red) set off against a
surrounding red-glazed area (cf. plate 16, b), or a red-figured scene on the
exterior set off against a red-glazed bottom (cf. plate 16, c ), or, most
remarkable of all, a black-figured decoration on a red-glazed background

(cf. PLATES 15, d, 17).

Such instances are comparatively rare. 14 They range in date from about
540 to 460 b.c., and had a wide distribution (Greece, Cyprus, Rhodes, Russia,
Italy, etc.). We may mention a few of the most important: the kylix in
Munich with Dionysos in a sailboat, by Exekias (plate 17); 15 the kylix in
Munich with a horseman, by Euphronios; 16 the kylix in Paris with a komast,
by Skythes (plate 16, b ); 17 the kylix from the Agora with a disk-thrower, 18
and the kylix in London with a girl picking apples, by the Sotades Painter. 19
In stemlcss cups and bowls, datable near the turn of the century, the technique
is fairly common (cf. plate 15, a, b). Occasionally it is found also on Ionian
cups. 20

How was this control possible? How were the areas that were intended
to come out red prevented from being reduced in the second stage of the

" In Richter and Hall, op. <il., xxxviii and note 74;
Richter, Attic Rrd-Figurid Vases, 27 f.

11 I may Quote from his letter dated April 26, 1950:
'Die beiden Sckerben (the ones sent by Miss Talcott)
hatten eine sehr helle, gelbliehe Bremfarbe. Ieh kam mir
denken, dass diese Far be den griechischen Tdpfern neben dm
uhonen Schwarz nicht gefallen hat. A us diesem Grunde
wird man die Gefasse zundchst mil ciner rolbrennenden

a j obe uberzogen kaben, wie es keule in der Keramik noch
\ch ist. Erst auf diese Engobe wird man die Tontinte (i.e.
the black glaze) aufgemalt haben. Die rote Engobe ist riel
grober als die Tontinte und wird deshalb leichter reorydiert.
Wenn sie dennoch etnas gldnzend ist, so wird das Alkali der
Tontinte darauf eingtwirkl haben unde ine sog. Sinlerengobe

gebildet haben '.

14 Cf. e.g. Potticr, MonPiotX (1903), 53 f.; Richter
and Hall, op. cit., xliv, note 117: Vandcrpool, Hesperia
XV (1946). 285 ff.

15 No. 2044. FR I, 227 ff., pi. 42.

14 No. 2620. FR I, 98 ff., pi. 22; Beazley, op. cit.,
17, no. 14.

1T F. 129. Beazley, ot>. cit., 75, no. 19.

14 P. 2698. Hesperia XV (1948), pi. 35, no. 52.

14 D 6. Beazley, op. cit., 450, no. t.

*° Cf. Kunze, AM LIX (1934), 83 ff., pi. VI, no. 1:
' Die Innenseite der Wandung ist rnter den scharf abgesetzten
Rand mit hochgldnzender sugellackroter Glasur uberzogen,
die im Gegensatz zur schwarzen Glasur leicht abblaitert

RED GLAZE ON ATHENIAN VASES

firing? Mr. Binns, whom I consulted on this point years ago, was convinced
that the red and the black glaze were identical in make up, but that in some way
the areas that were to come out red were protected from reduction, perhaps
by having something applied over them; but how this was done, lie could
not tell. 21 Miss Talcott and Mr. Vanderpool a few years ago suggested that
there was some difference in the ingredients used in the red-burning and the
black-burning glaze, but they could not say what the difference might be. 22

When I first received Mr. YVeickcrt’s and Mr. Schumann’s samples, I
thought the answer was simple, namely, that the areas that were to come out
red were given a thin application of glaze, those intended to be black a
thicker one. The thinly applied glaze would rc-oxidise in the third stage of
the firing and become red, the thickly applied glaze would remain black. I
soon found, however, that this theory did not meet the requirements, for the
red glaze is often quite as thick as the black one. Moreover, my theory did
not explain the frequent peeling of this glaze (observed also by Miss Talcott
and Mr. Vanderpool 23 ); for thinly applied glaze would adhere even more
firmly to the body than a thick application.

Last year I put up the problem to Mr. Schumann. As this intentional
red glaze is difficult to describe in a letter to a non-archaeologist, and as the
Metropolitan Museum had no available fragments to send (only three whole
stemless cups that could not be broken up even in a good cause), Miss Talcott
came to the rescue and sent a small fragment from the Agora to Heisterholz.
After many experiments Mr. Schumann offered what seemed at first a
surprising solution. He suggested the following procedure. At the beginning
only those parts of the vases that were to come out black w r erc painted; the
vases were then placed in the kiln and subjected to the first two stages of the
firing—the oxidising and the reducing; the firing was then interrupted, the
pieces allowed to cool, and taken out of the kiln; whereupon those parts were
painted that were to come out red; finally, the pieces were replaced in the
kiln and fired in an oxidising fire. The newly painted areas came out red,
since they had undergone no reduction, whereas the previously painted parts,
having been through the reducing fire and having had a thick application of
glaze, remained black.

Mr. Schumann in reporting this theory to me said that he at first hesitated
to believe that the Greeks used this method, for it seemed cumbrous; more¬
over, the glaze would be apt not to adhere firmly on fired clay. But then he
recalled that I had written him that vases with intentional red glaze were

11 Cf. Richter and Hall, op. cit., xliv.

M Hesperia XV (1946), 285 (T. It is indeed difficult
to think of a glaze containing iron, and therefore
red-burning, that would not turn black in the reducing
fire ( cf ; the chemical formula cited above).

“ ibid., 286. Cf. also Kunze, AM LIX (10341,83 ff.
According to Dr. Schumann, the fact that the ‘ inten¬
tional ’ red glaze adheres, after all, fairly well to the
body shows that the first firing (both oxidising and
reducing) must have been at a low temperature.

GISELA M. A. RICHTER

148

relatively scarce, and that one of the characteristics of this intentional red
glaze was that it often peeled. These two observations reinforced him in his
belief that he had perhaps found the right solution.

It is obvious that this theory can be accepted only if it can be shown that
in every extant example the intentional red glaze was applied after the black
glaze; that is, in no case may the black glaze overlap the red glaze, rather the'
red glaze must occasionally overlap the black.

To settle this crucial point I first examined the three stemless cups in the
Metropolitan Museum; 24 and, in the summer of 1949, several specimens in
Boston; 25 then, in the autumn of the same year (with the kind help of Mr.
Charbonneaux), the kylix F 129 in the Louvre (plate 16, b), and the two
kylikes from Munich by Exekias (plate 17) and Euphronios, temporarily
exhibited in Berne (aided by Mr. Bloesch). In all these vases we found no
instance in which the black glaze overlapped the red glaze, but numerous
instances in which the red glaze had gone over the black. A convincing
example that can be observed even in the illustration is the kylix in the
Louvre (plate 16, b y from a photograph taken with infra-red light). Here the
red glaze that surrounds the central medallion and which was evidently
applied on the wheel (with the cup not properly centred), overlaps the
black along the bottom edge of the medallion. The kylix by Exekias (plate
17) is particularly illuminating. Here too the red glaze has occasionally
gone over the black band surrounding the rim of the cup. Moreover, in
the difficult task of applying the red glaze around the ship, the dolphins, and
the vine-tree, the painter sometimes put in a contour stripe and then painted
over this stripe, so that in these places there was a double thickness of glaze.
If this thick application had gone through a reducing fire it would have come
out black. Instead, it is a brilliant red. The only explanation would seem
to be that the glaze that came out red was at no time reduced. Moreover,
the blotchy appearance of the red-glazed background is best explained by the
fact that the glaze was applied after the black-figured decoration. Otherwise
it would have been put on evenly, with the wheel spinning around, like the
red-glazed area in the Louvre kylix (plate 16, b ).

These findings have been endorsed and expanded by my colleagues. After
examining the sixteen specimens from the Agora 26 (cf. plates i 5, a , b y 16, c) Miss
Talcott reported in a letter, dated February 13, 1950, that in no case did the
black overlap the red (but sec below), whereas in several instances the red over-

AcC \ °. oa \ 74 - 5 >-« 3 8 4 (CP 2028); 74.51.1185
(CP 2029), both from Cyprus (Myra, Handbook of the
Canola Collection, nos. 1733,1734); X.21.30. All three
kylika will be oublished in the forthcoming CVA
fascicule on black-figured kylika in the Metropolitan
Museum of Art.

** Acc - n o- 30 - 79 1 - Beazley, op. cit., 456, no. 5:
« 3 - 45 <> 3 -

* Inv - P - ,a6 5 » 7690,10359, H 73 . 2772 . 7267,

8029.9037. '5952. >6ooi, 18505,11049, 19154, 16488,

i8753-

RED GLAZE ON ATHENIAN VASES 149

lapped the black, and concluded, ‘ So far as there is any evidence from these
pieces, it is all in favour of the red glaze being applied after the black
Her descriptions also showed that in the red areas the glaze had frequently
peeled.

In a letter dated March 12, 1950, Mr. Peter Corbett gave me a report
. ? n lhe six examples of intentional red glaze in the British Museum. 27 Again
in no instance did the black overlap the red, whereas in several the red had
gone over the black. Moreover, in almost every case, the red glaze had
considerably peeled.

In a letter dated April 4, 1950, Mr. Antonio Minto answered my enquiry
regarding the intentional red on the kylix signed by Kachrylion, in the
Archaeological Museum, of Florence, 28 as follows: ‘ also in our specimen
it is clear that the red glaze was applied after the black glaze, both on the
inside and on the outside of the kylix ’.

Mr. B. B. Shefton kindly sent me a report in June 1950 on two fragments
with intentional red that had been found at Perachora. One was from the
lip of a stemlcss cup in which the red overlapped the black, the other from the
foot of a bowl, black outside, red inside.

I may also mention that in 1948 I received a letter from Sir John Beazley
with whom I had discussed the problem at the time when I thought the
intentional red glaze might be due to a thin application. In this letter he
had asked a pertinent question: ‘ In London 64.10-7.1604 and 64.10-7.327
the coral red was put on top of the black dot-and-circle decoration; how do
you explain this ? ’ Mr. Schumann’s theory now supplies an answer.

Before concluding, however, we must record what at first seemed a
puzzle. In the kylix with the black dog, Agora P 10359 (plate 15, d ), though
the red glaze of the background goes over the black ground line, the black
hairs of the dog under its belly and around its tail go over the red (according
to a report sent me by Miss Talcott and Mr. D. von Bothmcr in the spring of
i 95 0 )* The same applies, Mr. v. Bothmer tells me, to the tips of the black
feathers in Eros’s wings on the kylix by Kachrylion in Florence (see note 28).
If in these kylikes the red would not elsewhere go over the black the pheno¬
menon could be explained by the theory that the red in these two instances
was applied thinly and so re-oxidised in the third stage of the firing ( cf. p. 147).
But how 7 can we account for the fact that the red overlaps the black in some
places and the black overlaps the red in others ?

Again I consulted Dr. Schumann. He propounded the following theory

17 D 6; 97.10-28.2; 64.10-7.160^; 64.10-7.327; had also fired black. An explanation of this must be,
Qi.8-6.78; 1901.7-11.3. in the phialc 1901.7-H.3 according to Mr. Schumann, that the firing was not
Mr. Corbett reported that in the red of the bowl (set purely oxidising.

off against a black offset lip) a small patch had fired “ Hoppin, Handbook of Attic Red-Figured Vases I, 153;

black in the exterior and a wide area of the interior Beazley, ARV, 82, no. 4.

GISELA M. A. RICHTER

150

and illustrated it by a sample made in his own laboratory. The procedure,
he thinks, was the same as in the other cases of intentional red glaze (cf. p. 147),
but before the painting of the figures the whole surface was covered with a
thin application of glaze, thin enough to re-oxidise and become red again
in the re-oxidising fire. The black relief lines of dog and Eros would then be
seen against the re-oxidised glaze whereas the glaze applied subsequently
(after the reducing fire) might overlap the black here and there. A line of
demarcation between the two reds would not necessarily be visible, for they
would fuse in the high temperature of the second firing.

This theory would satisfactorily explain the phenomenon in question.
The simple device of first applying a red ‘ Lasur * enabled the painter to have
the black lines of hairs and feathers show up against a red background
without having laboriously to paint between these lines. 29 The blotchy
appearance of the red background in the Agora kylix suggests that this
background was painted after the dog and so could not be applied on the
wheel.

With this evidence at hand it seems safe to accept Mr. Schumann’s theory,
at least until a better explanation is offered. The necessity of a second firing
would explain the scarce use made of the ‘ coral ’ red, which otherwise might
have found great favour; for the contrasting brilliant red and black are
undeniably effective. Instead, these vases were apparently produced in
relatively small quantities, for about two generations, and then their manu¬
facture stopped. 30

Gisela M. A. Richter

*’ I suspect that this is the case also with the hairs
of the mane and tail of the horse on the kylix with
intentional red by Psiax in Odessa (Beazley, ARV, u,
no. 31). I saw this cup in 1930 in Leningrad and owe
the photograph reproduced in my plate 16, a to the
kindness of Miss Peredolski.

* # The bowl and the amphora in New York (plates
14, a, b, 15, c) are reproduced through the courtesy of

the Metropolitan Museum, the volute krater in London
(plate 14, c, d) through the courtesy of B. Ashmole,
the kylix in the Louvre (plate 16, b) through the
courtesy of J. Charbonneaux, the pieces in the Agora
Museum (plates is, a, b, d, 16, c) through the courtesy
of L. Talcott, and the kylix in Munich (plate 17)
through the courtesy of H. Diepolder.

THE PLACE OF VASE-PAINTING IN GREEK ART

‘ The vases of the classical period are but the reflection of classical beauty;
the vases of the archaic period are archaic beauty itself.’ So Beazley; an
indisputable and valuable truth, but a truth that needs some explanation.
In spite of all the detailed work that has been done in the last fifty years and
more on the development of Greek vase-painting and its relation to other arts,
its nature still remains something of a problem. The issue is confused, of
course, by the fact that vase-paintings are almost our only original Greek
drawings—almost the only key-hole through which we can peep at archaic
and classical painting—and this gives them an importance independent of
their intrinsic worth. Quite apart from this, however, Greek painted vases,
looked at with detachment, are a very curious phenomenon. It is particularly
clear from works of vase-painting’s greatest century—the best black-figure and
red-figure of the ripe and late archaic periods—that we have to do with a
combination of the craft of pottery with the art of draughtsmanship that
has no real parallel elsewhere. This leads some to dislike Greek vases
altogether; a reaction due I think to a conservative habit of mind which,
being accustomed to regard a pot and a picture as two separate and in¬
compatible entities, is not prepared to recognise the combination as possibly
good. The Greeks evidently had no such prejudice, and they combined the
two elements with (as it seems to me) perfect success in the archaic period but
not in the classical. I want in a few pages to trace the development of vase-
painting in Greece, trying to discover why this should be so. I shall not be
very original, but I hope to do something towards clearing the air and
rendering unnecessary the rather uneasy, equivocal attitude to vase-painting
discernible at present in many books that deal with the general history of
Greek, or of archaic, art. 1

Painted pottery has a very long history in Greek lands. It occurs of
course in most early cultures of the Mediterranean and the Near East, but
rarely with the richness and variety of Minoan and Mycenaean. Neverthe¬
less, even in the Minoan and Mycenaean cultures, vase-painting is always a
minor, a craftsman’s, art. Some motives—flowers and sea-creatures—are
common to wall-painting and vase-painting, but on vases they are always

1 This equivocal attitude is fostered by the practice
of reproducing drawings of vase-paintings instead of
photographs. Drawings are an indispensible adjunct
to photographs for the specialist, but mainly harmful
in a wider use. Photographs are inevitably distorted,
but for this very reason remind the reader that the pic¬

ture is not only a picture but the decoration of a vase.
Flattened drawings, apart from the interposition of the
modem draughtsman's mind and hand, obliterate the
memory of the vase whose form conditioned the
character of the picture.

MARTIN ROBERTSON

152

treated as elements of a more or less formal decoration; there is no attempt to
transfer to vases the landscape or, until a late phase of Mycenaean vase-
painting, the figure-work of wall-painting. In Late Mycenaean vase-
painting indeed figure-work does appear, and is clearly related to that of
major painting: the Warrior Vase and the common chariot scenes must
echo wall-pictures; but they echo them in vase-decorator’s shorthand,
much as the pictures on majolica pots echo fifteenth- and sixteenth-century
Italian painting, and the delightful bulls and birds that spread their patterned
surfaces over other Mycenaean craters of this time are almost purely decora¬
tive. In the decline of Mycenaean culture vase-painters, while losing some
of their technical mastery, move further towards formalism. Many motives
with an origin in natural forms remain in use, but with no trace of naturalistic
feeling. The abandonment of these motives in favour of a more restricted
repertory of patterns purely formal even in origin, accompanied by changes
in the shapes of pottery, is what marks the break, between sub-Mycenaean and
Protogeometric; for artistically it is, I am convinced, properly described as a
break: Mycenaean art was dead and Greek art had begun.

Nevertheless, although Protogeometric pottery is the beginning of a new
artistic tradition, there is nothing new in its technique and craft beyond a
gradual recovery in quality. It is an indigenous development, and the first
Protogcometric potters were trained in sub-Mycenaean workshops as surely
as the first red-figure vase-painters were trained in black-figure workshops
half a millennium later. Other crafts must have lasted through in the same
way, with a similar break of artistic continuity. There was certainly a total
cessation of the free arts of paintjng and sculpture, and though surviving
monuments of Mycenaean architecture played a part in influencing the growth
of Greek architecture in the seventh century, there was no continuous
monumental tradition, only an impoverished craft of building on a small
scale. Metalwork certainly continued as a utilitarian craft with hardly a
thought of its aesthetic possibilities; and the same must be true of such crafts
as carpentry and weaving, of which no trace now survives. It is certainly in
vase-painting that we can trace most clearly and minutely the growth of Greek
art from this point for three hundred years or so, and in the early stages it is
in vase-painting alone. This could be due merely to the power of survival
of baked pottery, but I believe that vase-painting did actually hold a special
position at the beginning of Greek art, such as it had never held in pre-
Hellenic Greece, and that it was this fact that led to the peculiar character
it exhibits later, in the archaic period.

The development of the Geometric style seems to me to make this con¬
clusion inevitable. It begins, of course, with Protogeometric, in a system of

THE PLACE OF VASE-PAINTING IN GREEK ART

vase-decoration by purely abstract geometric designs, and this continues into
the ripe Geometric style of the ninth century, with only some change and
elaboration of the motives, and a more consistent application of them in
graded zones to cover the whole surface, and emphasise the clear form, of the
vase. Then figure-scenes begin to be introduced into the decoration, and
the figures are not only strictly conceptual in structure, but strictly geometric.
The conceptual as opposed to the visual approach to representation is normal
in primitive art, but there is no necessary link between the conceptual and the
geometric: witness in Greece itself the ‘ Cycladic idols ’ of an earlier age,
which are strictly conceptual and formal, but composed on entirely different
formulae from the linear angularity of Geometric figures. 2 It is in fact clear
that the approximation to geometric diagrams of figures on Geometric vases
is a deliberate part of the decorative design, so that they shall harmonise with
the abstract ornaments that surround them and not break the patterned
surface of the vase.

This of course is not incompatible with the existence of a free art of painting,
imitated by the vase-decorator but geometrised to suit his decorative purpose.
Two things, however, seem to rule out this possibility: the character of
Geometric bronze statuettes, and the effect of oriental influence on late
Geometric vase-painting. 3 The finest bronzes of the Geometric period
are small figures of horses on bases, and these again are not only conceptual
but also exceedingly angular and geometric; in fact they are essentially con¬
ceived as two profiles, each just like the silhouette of a horse on a Geometric
vase. There are other bronzes of the period which show a much less geo¬
metric character, notably little figures of cattle without a base, but they are
also rougher work showing much less art: the finer the work of art the more
geometric. From this I find an inescapable conclusion that vase-painting
was the dominant art of the time. There was a good decorative reason for the
vase-painter to stylise his figures in a geometric direction; none for the maker
of bronze figurines to do so. If a school of major painting or sculpture had
existed it would have had no reason to develop geometric formulae; and if it
had existed with different formulae the makers of bronze statuettes would not

be found imitating vase-painting.

The effect on vase-painting of the impact of oriental art tells the same
story. In late Geometric vase-painting there are signs of a greater interest
in figure-work for its own sake. Instead of making the figure-panels as like as

* It is noteworthy that the charming little horses
surreptitiously introduced on a few Protogeometric
vases (KGbier, Kiramtikos IV, pi. 27) are conceptual
enough but not geometric. They have no connection
with the Geometric figure-style proper, but are rather
the last gasp of the sub-Mycenaean tradition of reducing
naturalistic motives to formal cyphers. The plastic

stag (ibid. pi. 26) is in similar case.

1 The practice of placing huge vases on tombs,
where Mycenaeans before and archaic Greeks after
placed reliefs or statues, might also be taken as an
argument for the absolute primacy of pottery and vase-
painting among the arts of the Geometric period.

154

MARTIN ROBERTSON

possible to the purely decorative elements surrounding them, so that at a
glance a ripe Geometric figured vase and one without figures look much the
same, there is a tendency to isolate and emphasise the figures and to reduce
the variety and elaboration of the friezes of abstract ornament. Clearly the
Geometric ideal is ceasing to satisfy, but equally the vase-painter has found
nothing positive to put in its place: his figures are still the angular silhouettes
invented to harmonise with the surrounding ornament. It took contact with
the quite different, more naturalistic, conventions of Phoenician art, with
Assyrian and Egyptian art behind it, to show Greek artists their way out of the
Geometric impasse , and the readiness with which they rushed into the new
style is evidence of how cramped they already felt in the old.

There was no oriental vase-painting of any significance, and oriental art
reached Greece first in metal-work and ivory, and probably textiles and
embroideries. The earliest important examples of its influence are the Cretan
bronze shields, crude and clumsy copies of oriental originals; but seventh-
century Greek metal-work shows a splendid re-creation of oriental ideas, and
vase-painting with its different technique and strong native tradition, never
passed through a phase of servile copying. It took some time, however, to
find a way of absorbing the new influence into a wholly satisfying form of
vase-ornamentation. It is clear, I think, that under this influence Greek
vase-painters stumbled on the idea that drawing can be practised for its own
sake and not merely as a form of decoration, and from this point the free art
of painting must have developed in Greece'. It would be going beyond the
evidence to assert that the earliest Greek painters on panel or wall were vase-
painters or vase-painters’ pupils who turned to the new craft, but I think it
likely; certain that vase-painters set about finding new formulae for vase-
decoration with no sense of inferiority to free painters.

Once painters were practising their free art, however, and especially
after, early in the seventh century, they had come into direct contact with
Egyptian painting (as Greek sculptors did at the same time with Egyptian
sculpture), they inevitably exploited their freedom in ways that were not
open to the vase-decorators; and yet the vase-painter was interested in these
developments and wanted to adapt them to his own purpose. Thus after the
beginning of the Orientalising period Greek vase-painting never again displays
such a pure decorative system as Geometric: its success throughout the
archaic period is due to a series of brilliant compromises between emulation of
free painting and the demands of decoration; its failure in the early classical
period to advances made in free painting in their nature insusceptible of
adaptation to vase-decoration as the Greek vase-painter understood it.

By the middle of the seventh century free painting and vase-painting had

THE PLACE OF VASE-PAINTING IN GREEK ART

>55

clearly established their different ways, and we are given a lucky glimpse of
free painting’s way. Payne has clearly demonstrated that the group of Pro-
tocorinthian vases decorated with elaborate compositions in polychrome
technique, which begins in the second quarter and culminates in the third
with the Chigi vase, echoes the style of contemporary free painting. 4 The
close resemblance in colour-scheme and composition of these pictures, which
stand by themselves in vase-painting, to the slightly later metopes from
Thermon is sufficient proof of the origin of the style, and it is interesting that
the provincial free paintings are inferior in quality to the metropolitan vase-
paintings. The pictures on the vases of the Chigi group are beautiful, but
they are near the edge of what a Greek vase-painter considered suitable for
vase-decoration. They found no successors, and other vase-painters had
already evolved a more satisfying compromise in the technique and style
known as black-figure. The Greek vase-decorator was always extremely
conscious of the curved surface of the vase as his decorative field; and recession,
even of such a schematic kind as is found on the Chigi vase, is hostile to the
surface and the curve. Outline drawing, and even polychromy, though less
actively hostile, are at best weak on the curved surface and distract the eye
from a sense of its full roundness. Geometric figures had been in silhouette,
and the seventh-century vase-painter found the answer to his problem in
silhouette of a new kind: drawn with the new freedom and fullness, enlivened
with incision and added colour, but achieving its effect mainly by the bold
black silhouette on the light ground of the vase.

By this compromise vase-painters admitted that the full freedom of
painting on wall or panel was not for them, but they did not abate their
quality. I have said that the Thermon metopes are inferior to the Chigi
vase; they are no less so to a masterpiece of late seventh century Athenian
black-figure like the Nessos amphora at Athens; and for a century or so vase-
painting maintains a development within this chosen convention, parallel to
the development of free-painting and sculpture: a different art, a smaller one,
but not qualitatively inferior.

A statue like the Moschophoros or the Peplos Kore is, by its monumental
nature, something grander than a painted vase or a vase-painting can ever be,
but it is no more exquisitely fine than a masterpiece by Nearchos or Exekias;
and in the latter’s best work there is a deeper emotional content more subtly
expressed than in any contemporary sculpture. Nor is it to be found in the
unpublished paintings on panel from a cave near Sicyon—as fine but no finer

* Nurocorinthia, 92 ff. The suggestion, without the prallel in the metope of three seated goddesses. This
illusion, of recession in the Chigi battle, achieved by has undergone re-painting of details at a later date,
overlapping planes, which was noted by Payne as but clearly retains its original composition,
evidently derived from free painting, finds a close

l 5 Q MARTIN ROBERTSON

in handling, showing a different idea of composition and colour-scheme, but
no essential difference of conception or achievement.

Exekias, however, marks a limit. One is surprised to find silhouette and
incision able to convey so much. They do it in no other hands, and in the
next generation one feels that vase-painters are playing with their technique,
as though they do not know how to get any more out of it. One sign of this
discontent is the invention of the so-called red-figure technique, which to its
inventors seems to have been simply a decorative variation on black-figure—
black-figure in reverse and no more. It had advantages and disadvantages.
While preserving the principle of silhouette, it allowed the greater part of the
vase to be covered with lustrous black glaze (thereby laying the greatest
possible emphasis on the curved surface) without producing the awkwardly
window-like effect of a panel reserved on a black vase for a black-figure scene.
On the other hand it is a tricky technique of drawing, requiring a much more
elaborate preliminary sketch than black-figure to avoid irreparable mistakes.
So for a generation or two the two techniques continue side by side on equal
terms. Younger artists like Epiktetos find new advantages in the new
technique: freer, suppler drawing with the brush instead of the graver;
clearer less crowded compositions, depending more on harmonious contour
and less on surface detail. The new technique, in fact, is developed into a
new style, but it is only in the general revolution of Greek art at the end of the
sixth century that the difference becomes important.

This revolution is the first stage in the transformation of archaic into
classical, and brings about the brief but lovely phase of late archaic. Sculpture
like the Siphnian frieze, the Hekatompedon pediment fragments and the
Acropolis Theseus torso are rightly compared to early red-figure, but the
black-figure of the Andokides painter, Psiax, and the Antimcnes painter
expresses the same spirit. But in the sculpture of the end of the century—the
Eretria Theseus and Antiope (a grand conception marred by unattractive
mannerisms of detail) and especially the small but splendid metopes of the
Athenian Ireasury at Delphi—there is a new feeling for physical and emo¬
tional stress expressed through violent and complicated poses and groups, to
which black-figure is unequal. The artists of the Leagros Group made a
gallant effort to modify the old style to the new spirit, but black-figure, depend¬
ing as it does on the sharp lines of the graver, can only effectively embody a
style possessed of a certain formality, even stiffness. The new movement
requires the suppler, subtler lines of red-figure, and the vases of Euthymides
and Euphronios can stand comparison with the Delphi metopes: vase-
painting was still capable of attaining, in its own small way, the same heights
as sculpture.

THE PLACE OF VASE-PAINTING IN GREEK ART 157

In the seventh century, when vase-painting ceased to be the leading art of
Greece, it might have sunk into a simple craft, but the tradition of its primacy
kept great artists in it, and by adopting the black-figure technique they found
a way of keeping up with contemporary art without relinquishing their
primary position of decorators. With red-figure they renewed their lease for
the late archaic summer; but in the developments of early classical painting
they faced a problem which admitted of no such solution. It is clear that
up to the end of the archaic period relief-sculpture and painting were governed
by the same principles: no illusionistic recession; one ground-line on which
the feet of all figures rest; and an arrangement of figures; whether paratactic
or overlapping, as a frieze against an uncharacterised background with which
they have no organic connection. The artists in fact conceived their wall or
panel or slab as a surface to be decorated, and their principles therefore were
easily adapted to vase-painting. Polygnotos in the early classical period was
the first to conceive of a painting not merely as decoration of a surface but as a
feigned window on to space. So doing he created painting in the modern
sense, and entered a world where the Greek vase-painter could not follow him.

The attempt of the Niobid painter and his companions to transfer Polyg-
notan compositions to red-figure vases is a disastrous compromise; not so
much because composition in depth is necessarily unsuitable to the curved
surface of a vase, though by the Greek vase-painter’s standard it is so, as
because the silhouetting of the figures on the black ground is absolutely
incompatible with an effect of space or depth. In fact it is clear that red-
figure is a technique in which it is no longer possible for the vase-painter to
reflect the advances of contemporary free painting. The painters of the
Penthesilea cup and the Bologna Amazonomachy krater contrived, without
relinquishing the vase-decorator’s conventions, to convey something of the
spirit of the new style, but one cannot compare their works for quality with
the sculptures of the Temple of Zeus at Olympia, as one can the vase-paintings
of Euthymidcs with the metopes of the Athenian Treasury at Delphi. Red-
figure now is slipping into the position of black-figure then. It is noteworthy
that the finest red-figure painter of the time, the Pan painter, is a retardataire
who makes his style a piquant variation on that of his late archaic masters.
There is a closely parallel movement in contemporary sculpture, illustrated by
the charming running girl from Eleusis; but in sculpture it is a minor move¬
ment, while it is the best that red-figure vase-painting can do.

In the crisis of the early archaic period, when vase-painters first became
aware of the necessity of compromising between their rigid sense of what was
right for the decoration of a vase and their desire to emulate the freedom
of painters on wall or panel, they compromised happily on the black-figure

MARTIN ROBERTSON

'58

technique. In the late archaic crisis the red-figure technique saved them.
In this last crisis of the early classical period there was another technique at
hand, the white-ground, and in it the last great works of Greek vase-painting
were produced, but it was not developed to preserve vase-painting as a serious
art into the classical age.

Drawing in outline and colour-wash on a white-ground had been practised
occasionally from the later sixth century, mainly on the inside of cups, where
there is no receding surface to demand the greater strength of silhouette, and
on little vases like alabastra, meant to be turned in the hand. As red-figure
had begun as a merely decorative variation on black-figure, so white-ground
to begin with is little more than a decorative variation on red-figure; but
gradually, by the use of a softer, more diluted colour for the outlines, and the
freer addition of other colours, it moves away from red-figure and towards free
painting. The Pistoxenos painter’s Aphrodite on the Goose must be very
close indeed to contemporary work on panel, but it still shows no real depar¬
ture from the established principles of vase-painting: there is no ground-line,
it is true, but the flying group is not really conceived spatially but set flatly
on a neutral ground, exactly as Exekias’s black-figure Ship of Dionysos,
painted three-quarters of a century before.

With the Sotades painter’s little cups, however, especially that with the
subject identified as the death of Ophcltes, painted like the Aphrodite about
460 b.c., we are in a different world. The delicate outline and wash technique
is entirely suited to the composition: figures set about the field, among land¬
scape elements, in the Polygnotan manner; and I am convinced that this
minute but immensely vigorous picture gives us a nearer notion than anything
else of a Polygnotan wall-painting. But is it good vase-decoration? Per¬
sonally I do not mind the conversion of a cup-bottom into a window on the
world, but it seems that the Greeks did mind; at least it is a break with
tradition that finds no true successors. The white-ground technique seems
never to have really satisfied the Greek idea of what is due to the strictly
decorative aspects of vase-painting: the necessity, traceable from Geometric
to red-figure, of always covering and emphasising the curved surface of the
vessel. So white-ground remained throughout the fifth century a side-line of
red-figure, dominated by red-figure ideas, and died out early in the fourth,
while red-figure flourished, if that is the word, for another hundred years.
But having lost touch with free painting, vase-painting gradually loses its own
quality during the fifth and fourth centuries: that is to say, it loses the
allegiance of true artists. Any young Exekias of the Periclean age will have
left the Kerameikos to apprentice himself to Panainos or some other painter
on panel or wall. The first art of Greece, a small-scale but still a true and

THE PLACE OF VASE-PAINTING IN GREEK ART

159

forward art in the archaic period, sinks now into a craft; but a craft burdened
with a tradition of elaborate figure-painting that no longer has any justifica¬
tion. It is this crippling heritage that makes the later red-figure, whether of
Athens or South Italy, so distressing; and makes us meet with such relief the
gay nonsense of Gnathia in Italy and the simple neo-Geometric of the
Athenian West Slope ware: straightforward, pleasant pottery with no pre¬
tensions to being fine art.

Martin Robertson

MEGARON UND HOFHAUS IN DER AGAIS DES 3-2
JAHRTAUSENDS V. CHR.

Mitten auf dem von einem starken Mauerring umgebcnen Hiigel der
zweitcn Stadt von Troja liegen die vier Herrenhauser, Megara langgestreckter
Form mit tiefer und offener, nach Siidosten gcrichteter Vorhalle. Es sind
einzellige Hallenbautcn, die eine Unterteilung in zwei oder mehrcre Inncn-

raume nur bcschrankt zulasscn. Wo groBere Raumbediirfnisse auftreten,
imissen wie in Troja mehrere solcher Hallenbauten ncbeneinander hingestellt
werden. Ihre Bauweise nutzt zweifellos die Erfahrungen Alt-Anatoliens und
dcs gleichzeitigcn Vorderasiens. Ihre Bauasthetik dagcgen—streng rich-
tungsgebundene Achse durch Vorhalle, Tor bis zum Herd im Innem,
anthropoide Proportion, unmittclbare Zuganglichkeit—findet nichts Entspre-
chendes im vorderen Orient oder in Agypten, ja widcrstreitet alien dort
vcrbreitetcn Wohnformen und Baugewohnhciten. 1 Zu den Herrenhausem
gehoren die Reste einer Hofmauer und eines Tores. Die Hofanlagc nimmt
Riicksicht nur auf die offenbar altcren Megara A und B, mit denen sie glcich-

1 Vgl. L. Camus, DU antike Kmst II i 29 f. B. Schweitzer, Hcndbuch der ArchdologU I (.939), 376 f.

MEGARON UND HOFHAUS 161

zeitig war; bci der Errichtung dcr Megara E und H wurde sie teilweise abge-
risscn und blieb nur dort noch stehen, wo sic noch weiter von Nutzen blieb. Ob
die Hofmauer nur einen Vorhofeingrenzte oder, was wahrscheinlichcrerscheint,
rings um die Megara A und B gefuhrt war, wird heute kaum mehr festzustellen
sein. In letzterem Falle hatten die Herrenhauser frei inmitten eines rings
umlaufenden Hofes gestanden, wie die ganze Anlage sich auf der Kuppe
inmitten des auBeren Ringwalles der Bcfestigung erhob.

Man hat mit der troischen Citadelle oft die Burg von Dimini in Thessaiien
verglichen. Der innerste der konzcntrischen Ringwalle der Stadt, die
eigentliche Burg, umgrenzt einen groBen und offenen, nahezu rechteckigen
Hof. In ihm steht als cinziges groBcres, alle iibrigen Bauwerke der Stadt
iiberragendes Gcbaude ein Mcgaron mit zweisauliger Vorhalle, Herdraum
und anschlieBendem Gemach. Ein wesentlieher Unterschied von Troja ist
jedoch, daB dieses Megaron nicht frei steht wie die troischen, sondern an die
riickwartige Schmalseite des Hofes, die cs als eigene Riickwand benutzt,
angeschoben ist, in die Langsachse des Hofes gelegt ist und achsial mit dem
in dcr Mitte der vorderen Schmalseite des Hofes befindlichen Eingangstor
verbunden crscheint. War in Troja, wie wir annehmen, die Hofmauer rings
um die freistehenden Megara gefuhrt, so bedeutet Dimini trotz seines
moglicherweise hoheren Alters einen genetisch entwickclteren Typus dcr
Burganlage, Troja einen zuriickgebliebenen oder durch fremde Einfliisse
veranderten NebensproB des gleichen Stammbaums. Befand sich jedoch in
Troja vor der Front der autonomcn Megara nur ein Vorhof, so miiBte doch als
Vorstufe von Dimini eine Burganlage mit frei verteilten Megara innerhalb
eines Hofes oder Ringwalles vorausgesetzt werden. Am reinsten erscheint
diese friihe Stufe erhalten in der lausitzer Burg vom Baalshebbel bei Starzeddel
aus dem 6. Jahrhundert vor Chr. 2 Sie kann die ungcbundcnc Anordnung
von Burg und Gebaude veranschaulichen, die in Dimini einer gebundencren
gewichen ist.

Die drittc Stufe in der Reihe der agaischen Burganlagen vertritt Tiryns.
Das Burginnere hat sich in einen Palast verwandelt. Die drei Megara stehen
wie in Troja parallel nebeneinander, strenger ausgerichtet als dort, aber
in einer ahnlichen Ruckstaffelung der Nebenmegara 29 und 30 hinter
dem Hauptmegaron 24. Sie liegen jedoch nicht in einem gemcinsamen
Hof, sondern jedes Megaron besitzt seinen besonderen Hof; zu dem Megaron
30, das den Hof 28 mit dem Megaron 29 zu teilen scheint, gehort dcr
durch einen Korridor mit ihm verbundene Hof 31. Anders als in Dimini sind
nun die Megara nicht ihren Hofcn cingeglicdert, sondern herausgeschobcn,
sodaB ihre Front an die Hofgrenze eingebunden erscheint und der Hof die

* C. Schuchhardt, PZ 1926, 188 ff., Taf. I. Den. Alleuropa * (1935), 227, Abb. 133.

1 62 BERNHARD SCHWEITZER

Bedeutung eines Vorhofes erhalt. Dabei bleibt die achsiale Beziehung
zwischen Megaron und Hoferhalten und erfahrt sogar noch eine Verstarkung.
Der in der Mitte der Siid-Ostscitc des Hofes 22 errichtete Rundaltar 23 ist
zugleich der Zielpunkt der durch Herd, Tiiren, Mitte der Saulcnfront
festgelegten Achse des Hauptmegarons.

Welche Veranderungen die Burg- und Palastanlagc in der Agais im Verlauf
ungefahr eines Jahrtauscnds erfahren hat, wird an der aufgestellten Reihe in
den wesentlichcn Umrissen dcutlich. Die Megara odcr das Megaron, das

Abb. a .—( a ) Die Burg von* Dimini. ( b ) Die Palastmitte von Tiryns.

anfanglich frei inmitten eines umwallten Hofes gestanden ist (Troja), wird
in den Hof ‘ eingegliedert ’, indem es an die Riickwand des Hofes angeschobcn
und auf das Achsensystem des Hofes bezogen wird (Dimini). Wcitcrhin
verwandelt sich das Verhaltnis von Hof und Megaronhaus. Das Megaron
wird aus dem Hof herausgeruckt und von auBen ‘ angegliedert Der Hof
wird zum Vorhof und nach der festliegenden Achse des Megarons orientiert.
Zugleich kehrt sich das Gewichtsverhaltnis von Hof und Haus vollig urn
(Tiryns). Welches sind die historischen Faktoren, die an dieser Wendung
beteiligt gewesen sind ?

Zwischen Dimini und Tiryns fallt ein fur die mykenische Baukunst ent-
scheidendcs Ereignis: der beispiellose Aufstieg der minoischcn Palastarchi-

MEGARON UND HOFHAUS

163

tektur auf Kreta. Bis in die Einzelhciten der Bauornamentik zeigten sich
die Mykenaer als gelehrige Schuler der Kreter. Ohnc deren Vorbild hatte
die festlandische Baukunst nie jenen Formenreichtum, jene GroBziigigkeit
und Gelenkigkeit entwickeln konnen, die sie auszcichnen. Auf Kreta ist nun,
wie die Restc subneolithischer Hauser unter dem Zentralhof von Knossos und
die fruhminoischcn Hauser von Vasiliki zeigen, 3 das Hofhaus, dessen Mittel-
punkt ein rechteckiger Hof bildet und das sich nach auBen abschlieBt, von
den altesten Zeiten an einheimisch. Es ist eine mediterrane Wohnform,
jedoch nicht auf das Mittclmcer beschrankt.

Eine breite Zone zieht sich vom westliehen Mittclmcer iiber die Agais,
Agyptcn einschlieBend, bis in die Hochlander, welche die vorderasiatischen
Kulturlander nach Osten begrenzen, wo uberall von dcr einfachen Hiittc bis
zum Palastbau das Hofhaus als die Grundlage der Gestaltung zu erkennen ist.
Hier herrscht uberall das Prinzip der ‘ Einglicderung ’ der Wohnraumc und
sonstigen Gemacher in den Hof und langs der Hofgrenze; am konsequentesten
wurdc es im vordcren Orient beibehalten. Eine genetische Analyse stoBt
immer wieder auf die urspriingliche Identitat von Hofgrenze und Hausgrenze.
Die Gemacher werden erst auf einer Seite, dann auf zwei odcr drei Seiten,
endlich auf alien vier Seiten an die Hof- oder Grundstucksgrenze angelehnt,
und so entsteht schlieBlich in der Mitte ein verklcinertcr, ausgespartcr Hof,
auf den sich die umliegenden Raume offnen. Jeder Versuch, das mediterran-
vorderasiatische Hofhaus aus primitiven, klimatisch, wirtschaftlich und
konstruktiv bedingten Vorformen abzuleitcn, muB daher von der einfachsten
und am fruhesten nachweisbaren Gestalt ausgehen, der Form des umzaunten
Hofes, an dessen Ruck wand der meist in der ganzen Breite sich erstreckende
Wohnraum sich anlehnt. Der im ganzen vorderen Orient dominierende
Breitraum diirfte hier seine Entstehung finden. Sicher variieren die wirt-
schaftlichen und konstruktiven Voraussetzungen, aus denen hcraus in den
verschiedenen Landern der Hofhauszone dicse cinfache Form hervorgegangen
ist, und es ware verkehrt, sie nur auf eine Wurzel zuriickzufuhrcn. Es darf
jedoch darauf hingewicscn werden, daB bis vor kurzem die Urform dcs
Hofhauses in offensichtlich primitiven Zustanden noch auf dem iranischen
Hochland im Gebrauch gewesen ist. 4 Da ist in der Hofmauer unschwcr noch
die rechteckige, eingefriedete Viehhiirde zu erkennen, langs deren Riickwand
sich der Unterkunftsraum der Hirtcn hinzog.

Zu diesen Erscheinungen stellt sich die Burg von Dimini. Das Megaron
ist an die Riickwand des Burghofes angcschoben; es ist an der Stellc in das
Hofsystcm eingegliedert, wo sich im friihen Hofhaus der Hauptraum befand,

1 A. Evans, PM II i, fig. 8a. R. B. Scager, Peru II (1884^, 12 fig. 5. Schon dicser hat auf die
Rxeaiations at I'asilii.i iii^llg. 1. PM I 72, fig. 39. Cbercinstimmung mil altbabylonischen Hausem

* Haus in Elam, M. Diculafoy, L'art antique de la hingewicscn.

BERNHARD SCHWEITZER

164

wobei es allerdings sperrig seine Langsachse beibehalt und sich nicht der
Breitenausdehnung der Hofseite anbequemt. Das Megaron erweist sich hier
schon als ein neues Element im mediterranen Raum.

Auch in dem Kreta der subneolithischcn und fruhminoischen Zcit ist die
Urzellc des Hofhauses—Hof mit Herd und an die Hofwande eingegliederte
Gcmacher—noch zu erkennen. Doch wachst das Haus hier schon iiber die
Hofgrenze hinaus, indem an diese weitere Gemacher angegliedert werden.
Die Identitat von Hof- und Hausgrenze wird gesprengt. Selbst an die ge-
schlossene Hausgrenze werden Vorratsraume und Kleinviehstallungen
angeschlossen. Das Prinzip der ‘ Agglutinierung 1 eroffnet neuc Moglich-
keiten der Hausanlage. Die Hinausvcrlegung der Hausgrenze iiber die
Hofgrenze, die Freihaltung des Hofes von cingegliederten Raumcn, der
Ubergang zur Anglicderung der Baulichkeiten an die Hofgrenze schaffen
die Voraussetzung fur die groBcn Palastanlagen, die ein rein kretisches
Gewachs sind.

Sie stellen ein ins Riesige erweitertes Hofhaus dar auf der Grundlage der
eben geschilderten hoheren Entwicklungsstufc, die ahnlich auch in Agypten
und in Anatolien, hier aber wahrscheinlich erst unter kretischer Einwirkung,
erreicht wurde. Ihre Verwurzelung in der mediterran-vorderasiatischen
Hofhauszone pragt sich allein schon darin aus, daB der cinzige wahrhaft
monumental gestaltete Teil dcr kretischen Palastc der groBe Zentralhof
geblieben ist—wenn wir einmal von den breiten Freitreppenanlagen in
Phaistos absehen wollen. Wenn auch die sehr bestimmten Folgcrungen, die
Sir Arthur Evans aus dem Grabungsbefund fur die Gestalt des Palastcs von
Knossos in der ersten und zweiten mittelminoischcn Periode gezogen hat, sich
nicht iiberall bewahrt haben, so kann doch als sicher gelten, daB in dicscr
fruhen Stufc Einzclgebaude oder doch sehr vcrschicdcn strukturierte Bau-
komplcxc, die durch offene Gassen von einander getrennt waren, locker
um den Hof hcrum angegliedert wurden. Deutlicher noch hat sich diese
Fruhstufe in Malli^ erhaltcn, wo die einzelnen Palastquartiere noch mit
eigenen Nebenhofen versehen sind. Erst in den spateren Phasen wurden die
trennenden Gassen zu iiberdeckten Korridoren, und die einzelnen Teile
wuchsen zu groBeren Einheiten zusammen, wobei die zweckbestimmte
Strukturverschiedenheit der einzelnen Teile und die verschiedenen Stockwcrk-
und Dachhohen vermutlich noch genug von dem alten Zustand verrieten.
Warum in alien drei Palastanlagen Krctas der Westflugel sich hinter einer
festen und durchlaufendenden Westmauer auf den Zentralhof hin offnet,
wahrend der Ostfliigcl—offenbar nach den gcringen Resten auch in Phaistos
—sich von dem Zentralhof abwendet und nach Osten gerichtet ist, bleibt
noch eine offene Frage. Die Hinwendung der Raume des Westhofes zum

MEGARON UND HOFHAUS

165

Zentralhof ist zwar, wenn nicht selbstvcrstandlich, durch die im ErdgeschoB
liegenden Kultraume (besonders Knossos und Mallia) hinreichcnd zu crklarcn.
Kaum abcr die Orientienmg des Ostfliigcls. In Knossos fallt wie in Phaistos
das Terrain im Osten des Zentralhofes rasch ab. Man versteht cs, daB sich
hier, mit dem Zentralhof im Riickcn, in Kellerlage und vor der Westsonne
geschiitzt das Wohnvicrtel befand und der Morgensonne entgegen ohne feste
Hausgrcnze in den Terrassengarten iiberging. Aber mindestens fur Mallik
kann dieser Grund nicht geltcn.

Ein Blick auf den Plan von Tiryns zeigt, daB fur die Palastanlagc auf der
Kuppe des Burghiigels das Vorbild der kretischen Palastc maBgcbend gewesen
ist. Aber der Kern der kretischen Anlagen, der Zentralhof, ist ausgebrochen.
An seine Stelle sind die drei Megara mit ihren Hofen getreten. DaB sie nicht
mchr in die Hofe ‘ eingegliedertsondem an sie ‘ angegliedert ’ sind,
entspricht wiederum krctischer Disposition. Aber dcr Hof hat seine bindende
Kraft verloren. Zum Vorhof geworden wird er ganz durch die beherrschende
Achse und Front des Mcgarons bestimmt. Das angegliederte Megaron, das
einzellige ‘ Blockhaus dominiert. So sind an die Stelle des allc Fliigel des
Palastcs an sich bindenden Zentralhofes ganz neuartige Raumgebilde getreten.
Megaron und Vorhof, sich in ihrer gegenseitigen Bezogcnhcit erschopfcnd,
konnen nur parallel nebencinandcr angeordnet werden. Ihnen fehlt die
versammelnde und disponierende Kraft des kretischen Zentralhofes. Das
System des kretischen Palastes ist von innen heraus zersprengt. An seine Stelle
ist das Nebencinander und Ineinander einzelncr Raumindividualitaten getreten,
urn die sich das Gewirr der Nutzbauten schlieBt, ohne daB ordnende Prinzipien
auBer der Bodengestalt und der praktischcn Anordnung ersichtlich waren. „

Die baugcschichtliche Analyse laBt einen dramatischen Vorgang erkennen:
die Auseinandersetzung des Megarons mit dem auch in der Agais urspriing-
lichen Hofhaus. Das Megaron ist ein Fremdkorper in der Agais. Die unter
cincm Dach versammelte, einzellige Halle, die an drei Seiten geschlossen ist
und sich nach dcr vierten offnet, ist ein formlicher Gegentypus des
mediterranen Hofhauses. Das fiir sich stehende Mcgaronhaus ist autark und
bedarf primar keiner Beziehung auf einen Hof. Aus Griinden der Sichcrheit
wird das Megaron oder werden mehrere Megara von Anfang an in cincm
umwallten Hof gestanden haben, ohne daB es jedoch zu ciner archi-
tektonischcn Klarung des Verhaltnisses zwischen Haus und ringsum ab-
gezauntem Hof gekommen ist. Vielleicht liefert Troja II noch ein Beispiel
fur diese Kombination, die anderwarts wohl erhalten und im mittelmeerischen
Raum nicht zuhause ist. Die erstc Folgc dcs ZusammenstoBes zwischen
Megaron und mediterranem Hofhaus zeigt Dimini. Das Megaron wird dem
einheimischcn Hofsystem eingegliedert. Die autochthonen Kraftc scheinen

BERNHARD SCHWEITZER

166

den Frcmdling zu assimilieren. Sie erwciscn sich auf die Dauer nicht stark
geriug. Was sich in den folgcnden Jahrhunderten bis zum Ende der myken-
ischen Kultur abspielte, laBt sich nur an dem Endergebnis, der Burg von
Tiryns ablesen. Sclbst das uberwaltigende Vorbild der groBen krctischen
Palaste vermochte nicht die Selbstandigkeit des Megarons zu brechen. Es
gibt kein Anzeichen dafur, daB der Starke Kern eines Zentralhofes sich ein
Megaron angegliedert hattc, wenigstens nicht auBerhalb von Kreta . 5 Das
kretische Prinzip der Angliederung an einen Hof crgreift zwar auch das
Megaron. Aber dieses obsiegt; dcr Hof wird entmachtet, wird dem Megaron
unterworfen, wird zur bloBen Erweiterung des selbstherrlichen Megarons.
Ja das Megaron mitseinem Vorhofhat den Zentralhof des agaischen Typus aus
der Mitte herausgesprengt und sich selbst an seine Stelle gesetzt.

Die Aufdeckung der wechselvollen Geschichte des Megarons in der
Agais—anfangliche Unterjochung und langsames Sichdurchkampfen bis zum
Palastkern—wurde um eines negativen Ergebnisses willen unternommen: das
Megaron steht fremdartig unter den autochthonen Haus- und Palastformen
des mcditerranen Raumes. Dies muB davor warnen, den Ursprung des
Megarons innerhalb der Hofhauszone zu suchen. Daran vermag auch das
‘ Megaron ’ von Troja I nichts zu andem, wenn es eines ist . 6 Es bcdarf
dringend der Veroffentlichung. Jedenfalls schobe es das Auftreten des
Megarons am Nordostrand der Agais nur um wcnige Jahrhunderte zuriick.
Die Versuche, auf Grund dieses Neufundes zu ncuen positiven Ergebnissen zu
gelangen und die Heiraat des Megarons in dem ostagaisch-westanatolischen
Kreis oder im Bereich der siidosteuropaischen Bandkeramik zu suchen , 7
ermangeln noch der Uberzeugungskraft. Man vergiBt heute zu leicht den
ausgesprochen nichtmediterranischen Charakter des Megarons als Bauform
und architektonische Individualist. Andererseits hat sich die These von dem
‘ griechischen ’ Megaron und seiner Herleitung von der nordlichcn Heimat
der friihcn Einwanderer als zu einfach erwiesen. Wenn das Megaron im
Krcise der indo-europaischen Volkerfamilie scinen Ursprung gchabt haben
solltc, was weder behauptet noch endgultig widerlegt werden kann, so miiBte
der Keim schon zu einer Zeit gelegt worden sein, zu der sich die Einzelvolker
noch nicht getrennt hatten. Seine Vcrbreitung miiBte es durch die
Abwandcrung der Einzelvolker gefunden haben. Dem Einen wie dem
Andern stehcn crnste Bedenken chronologischer Art entgegen. Es ist
ratsamer, auf die heute kaum zu losendc Fragc des Ursprungs und der

* Man wird crwagen miissen, ob nicht in Phaistos • AJA XLI (1937), 18. Dcr vorsichtigc Zusatz
die auf den Westhof mit einer breiten Freitreppc Blegens: 'if we may use this term’ wird zu wenig
miindendc grofle Empfangshalle des Palastes, die von bcachtet.

der letzten Erneucrung stammt, als ein vom Festland 7 K. Bittcl, KUinasialixhe Sludien (Istanbuler
oder von den Jnscln ubemommcncs, im krctischen Mitteilungen V, 1942), 138 ff. und AA 1944/5, 39 f.
Sinn modifiziertes Megaron anzusprechen ist. Vgl. Fr. Matz, Handbuch der Arckdologie II (1950), 212 f.

MEGARON UND HOFHAUS

167

ethnischen Zugchdrigkeit zu verzichtcn, zumal schon die Fragc, ob einc
Bindung des Megarons an ethnische Einheiten angenommen werden darf,
durchaus Zweifeln unterliegt.

Das langgestreckte Megaronhaus mit dem Herd im Innern, der moglichst
weit von der Tiiroffnung entfernt liegt, und mit der tiefen Vorhallc, die sich
im agaischcn Kreis liber der ganzen Front fast immer nach Siiden offnet, in
der kalteren Jahreszeit die Sonne sammelnd, im Sommer Schatten gewahrend,
—verrat eine nordlicherc Heimat als das Mittelmeer, wenn es sich auch in der
Mauertechnik und dem flachen Dach den dortigen Gewohnheiten angepaCt
hat. Die spatcre Vcrbrcitung des Megarons und mcgaronahnlicher Typcn
vom iranischen Hochland iiber Sudosteuropa bis nach Zentraleuropa nordlich
der Alpcn crlaubt cs vielleicht, auch fur friihere Zciten eine ‘ Megaronzone ’
anzunehmen, die der mediterran-vorderasiatischen Zone des Hofhauses in der
gleichen Ausdehnung nordlich vorgelagert war. Dies war aber zu den in
Frage kommenden Zeiten das Verbreitungsgebiet der bandkeramischen
Kulturen. Im Zusammenhang mit einem Auslaufer dieser bandkeramischen
Kulturen tritt das altcstc Megaron des griechischen Festlandes (Dimini) auF.
Von welcher Bedeutung das Megaron als Herrenhaus fur die jonisch-achaische
Oberschicht des mykenischen Zcitalters war, welche Rolle es von hier aus in
der Grundlegung der griechischen Baukunst gespielt hat, ist bekannt. Es
gehorte durch mehr als cin Jahrtauscnd zum Grundbestand der griechischen
Architektur. Es darf daran erinnert werden , 8 daB das Megaron von Dimini im
Zusammenhang mit einer Omamentik auftritt, die wie vielfach im bandkera¬
mischen Kreis auf der Spirale und dem Maander basiert, der Spirale, die am
Endc der mittelhelladischen und in der ersten spathelladischen Epochc zur
Leitform der friihmykenischen Kcramik geworden ist, des Maandcrs, der in
der geometrischen Keramik der Griechen dominierte. Der Maander war
damals schon mehr als ein Jahrtauscnd in der Agais bekannt und konnte auf
mancherlei, heute kaum mehr auffindbaren Wcgen wieder aufgelebt scin.
Es verdient aber betont zu werden, daB er zum Hauptomament der geo¬
metrischen Dekoration wurde und als einziges unter alien anderen
Ornamenten Bandcharakter hat. Dieser Komplex der Dimini-Kultur—
Megaron, Spirale, Maander—in alien Teilen gleich bcdcutend fiir die spatere
Entwicklung der mykenischen Kultur und dcr Griechen, verlangt Beachtung.
Sollten die friihen Griechenstamme vor ihrer Einwandcrung in Griechenland
einstens durch lange Zeitraume in Nachbarschaft der Bandkeramiker odcr
unter Bandkcramikern gesessen haben und ihre Zivilisation durch jene
nachhaltig gepragt worden sein ?

Bernhard Schweitzer

• Gnomon IV (1928),611 f. In Dimini jcdochschon gricchischcElcmcntczucrkcnncn, vfrmagichh«rutcnicht mehr.

SOME MYCENAEAN ARTISTS

(plates 18 - 19 )

• The uniformity of Mycenaean pottery in its third phase (L.H. Ill) has
often, and naturally, been remarked upon. It was made, we may almost
say, by mass-production methods, in so far as Such methods may be achieved
when the only machine available to aid the potter’s hand is his wheel. In
the 1 Potter’s shop ’ at Zygouries certain types repeat themselves by the score
with scarcely any variation in size or shape, and w-ith only a little in decor¬
ation ; 1 from Cyprus, as the Corpus Vasorum will show , 2 one may see in the
British Museum alone dozens of small stirrup-jars with so little to differentiate
one from another that one cannot remember them individually. More than
this; we can find stirrup-jars (and the same is true of other types) from Rhodes
or Mycenae or even Egypt that are indistinguishable from the Cypriot ones.
There is in fact plenty of evidence to justify the use of terms like uniformity,
standardisation, sameness, even monotony, that are sometimes employed in
speaking of L.H. Ill pottery.

But as Professor Wace has himself pointed out , 3 this is not all there is to
say: and it is for the archaeologist to see differences as well as likenesses,
and to be on the watch for local and regional features, whether of shape or
decoration, or even only of frequency of particular types. And such variations
do undoubtedly reveal themselves to careful study. The potters of the
Mycenaean age admittedly were concerned more with technique and
execution than with invention; the decoration of their work shows order and
precision more often than imagination. They w'ere, one feels, potters first,
true to their skilled craft, the most mechanical industry of a machinelcss age,
and only secondarily individuals, who might also be artists. The clarity of
this fact has perhaps blinded the eyes of archaeologists to the artistic excel¬
lence or individuality of some Mycenaean potters; or perhaps it would be
truer to say that what is individual in Mycenaean pottery has not merely
remained unrecognised: it has not even been sought. The contention of
this article is that in spite of the remarkable unity of L.H. Ill pottery one may
yet recognise not merely the fashions or peculiarities of particular regions
(which I have endeavoured in part to characterise elsewhere 4 ) but even the
personality of individual artists.

To demonstrate this convincingly is not easy, especially as so much has been

ff.

1 See C. W. Blegen, Zygouries, 143

* CVA Great Britain I, pis. a and 3.

* E.g. in Klio XXXIl 134, and elsewhere in

same article.

• In BSA XLII 1 ff., and in
the levant.

Mycenaean Pottery from

SOME MYCENAEAN ARTISTS

169

said in the past to prejudice the question in the opposite direction; but the
• case may perhaps best be presented by adducing a few of what seem to me
the most striking examples of a personal style in Mycenaean pot-painting.

The contents of the Zygouries potter’s shop have already been quoted to
illustrate the uniformity of Mycenaean pottery; but some of this material
may in fact be cited on the other side. I refer to the series of kylikes decorated
with a single linear motif placed on one side of the bowl. Blegen, in publishing
the find, illustrates a number of examples (some in colour). 5 No two of the
designs in this group are identical; but they show a strong similarity of
character. All have the same general arrangement and relation to the pot-
surface; the motif is the sole decoration of the kylix: no stripes or subsidiary
features, no painting of lip or handles; and all show the same quality of line.
They were all found in the same place. Why should they not all have been
painted by the same hand? If they were so, these arc just the kind of
similarities one would find. And though these designs are typical ofL.H. IIIB
in their formalisation and combination in abstract design of earlier naturalistic
motifs, yet we find very few Mycenaean pots from other sites that arc at all
closely like them. Three, allegedly from sites in Attica, I have referred to in
BSA XLII (29 ff.; one is illustrated there, pi. 6, 11); others have been
found in Kalymnos (now in the British Museum, A1008); in Aegina (AE
1910, pi. VI 5); and at Ialysus (Furtwangler-Loschcke, Myk. Vasen , pi. XI
72); a fragment is also recorded from Mycenae (BSA XXV, 108). In all
of these the pot-shape and the style of decoration is so like the Zygouries
examples that I am prepared to trust the vivid impression I have had ever
since I first came across them; that one man made them, a man whom we
might call the Zygouries potter. His personal touch, we should notice, is to
be found not in the patterns he uses, or any detail of their drawing (often it is
the ‘ murex * ornament in a perfectly common form); it lies rather in how
he places the ornament, and his restraint in not adding anything further. It
does not follow that he never made more commonplace pots; but because
he did not in them reveal his peculiar artistic personality we cannot now
distinguish them.

But if we can distinguish personality, in this at present isolated instance,
in pots with abstract decoration, it should be much more readily recognisable
in those with figured decoration, where the greater naturalism and complexity
of the design give more opportunity for personal variations in the manner of
painting. A small motif may be learned by rote by the apprentice potter,
even the less skilled apprentice; a figure subject involves more brush-strokes
than one would wish to carry in the head; it is simpler and better (especially

* Zygouries, figs. 135-7 and pit. XVI-XVIII.

* 7 °

F. H. STUBBINGS

if your painter has any creative ability) to supply them from one’s own
invention; and no two persons will invent in quite the same manner, though
one man may well repeat what he has once invented.

The obvious field in which to follow up this idea is the wide range of
figured decoration which is a characteristic feature of Cypriot Mycenaean
pottery. In this figured style, at least in the Myc. IIIB phase, we find less
uniformity and standardisation than in most Mycenaean pottery, and more
artistic imagination. 6 Here, consequently, there is a better hope of running
our individual potter or painter to earth. In what follows I have brought
together several small groups of Cypriot Mycenaean pottery which I believe
one may with some degree of confidence attribute to individual craftsmen, or
else to small groups of craftsmen, probably working together. It is not
suggested that it will ever be possible to assign Mycenaean pot-paintings to
their artists with the same assurance that is possible for Attic vases of the
classical period; but even though the feasible groupings remain few and small,
the results may still be of some use in their bearing, ultimately, on more general
archaeological questions.

GROUP I

i. My first group centres on the handsome krater C402 in the British
Museum (see plate 18, a). Between the handles on either side is the figure
of a bull attacking (or being annoyed by) a bird. The drawing is notable
for its surcyrhythmic, double-curved lines, and the fineness and care of the
filling-ornaments on the body of the bull, which give an effect as of embroidery
stitches. The pot was found at Klavdia near Larnaca.

2-3. The same rhythm and precision of drawing are apparent on two fine
jugs (British Museum C575 and C576) from Hala Sultan Tekke, also near
Larnaca (Myc. Pottery from the Levant , pi. XIII 9, 10). The shape of these,
straight-sided, with an angular shoulder, is not typically Mycenaean; nor
are the * eyes marked just below the lip. But in technique the jugs are
totally Mycenaean. I believe they are in fact certain examples of Cyprus -
made Mycenaean. 7 The boldness of a departure from Mycenaean shapes by
a potter working in regular Mycenaean technique is in keeping with the
confident and individual style of the decoration on these jugs and on the
krater just mentioned.

4. I would ascribe to the same artist a cup (British Museum C623) w'hich
again departs from Mycenaean form, this time in a definitely Cypriot direction
(plate 18, b). It is virtually a Mycenaean * milk-bowl *, complete with wish¬
bone handle. It is unfortunately broken, but enough remains of the design

• Cf. Mycenatan Polity from ifu Levant, 37 f. Lnanl, 47, no. 10) which supports this view: cf. op. oil.

1 C575 has a mark on the base {Myc. Poll, from Ike App. B.

SOME MYCENAEAN ARTISTS 171

to show marked similarity in the quality of line and in the decorative division
of the bulls’ bodies, and to' link it with the krater (no. 1 above). The cross-
hatching on the point of the handle is curiously reminiscent of that on the
bull’s nose on the krater; and the filling ornament in the field is closely
parallel—though that could hardly be taken in evidence except in the light
of the general similarity of style. This pot comes, like the krater, from
Klavdia.

5. A little less confidently I give to the same painter the krater British
Museum C411 (Myc. Pottery from the Levant , pi. IX 7) decorated with a frieze
of birds. The relationship lies mainly in the embroidery-like treatment of
the filling patterns on the birds; but admittedly they have not quite the same
rhythm and swing as the bull. The apparent difference in the brushwork is
partly due to the somewhat matt quality of the paint and its poorer preserva¬
tion, and is less than the photograph perhaps suggests. This krater was
found at Enkomi.

GROUP II

1. Closely related in design to the bull-protomcs on the two jugs C575
and 576 (see above) is the decoration on a smaller jug of similar shape, British
Museum C577, from Enkomi (plate 18, c). On this jug the bull’s head faces
a bird. The drawing is less sure and competent, but the similarity of the
motif otherwise, and the shape of the jug, suggest the same workshop as for
Group I, though another craftsman.

2. By this same craftsman, I suggest, is an unusual stirrup-jar from
Klavdia, British Museum C514 (plate 18, d). It shows on either side a feature
so unusual on a stirrup-jar as to seem almost eccentric: a pair of bull’s heads
prominently placed between the stripes. They show a detailed similarity to
those on the jug C577. This stirrup-jar, like the jug C575 in Group I, has a
pot-mark on the base, which supports, though it does not prove, the attribution
of the pot to a workshop in Cyprus (cf. footnote 7 above).

GROUP III

1. The British Museum krater C421, from Klavdia, is decorated (see
plate 18, e) like no. 1 of our first group, with a figure of a bull, but in a vastly
different style. That is characterised by firmness and precision; this by a
hasty hit-or-miss manner of drawing. That the result has individuality may
not at first be obvious, but it becomes more so as one recognises similar bulls
on two other kraters.

2. One of these was found at Byblos in Syria (Myc. Pottery from the Invent,

172

F. H. STUBBINGS

pi. XVII i). The similarity of the shape of pot cannot be adequately
checked, as the lower half of the Byblos krater is lost. But the design shows
various points of near resemblance: the long body of the bull—it looks as
though it would break in the middle, despite the thick brush-line along the
back; the haphazard lines and blotches that fill the body; the snout; and
the way of drawing the hooves.

3. The other (fig. i) is in the Louvre (Inv. AM 679) and comes from
Aradippo, another site near Larnaca. I have not seen the pot itself, and my

Fig. 1. Krater from Aradippo (Louvre, Inv. AM 679).

tentative attribution of it to this group depends on the drawing in BCH XXXI
230, fig. 6, on which the sketch here is based.

The British Museum krater C417 may also belong here, though less
certainly ; for although the bull depicted on it bears a general resemblance
to those just listed, the hooves are drawn in a notably different manner (see
the illustration in Myc. Pott . in the Levant, pi. IX 4) which is repeated for the
sphinxes on the other side (see CVA Great Britain I pi. 10, 1). Somewhere
between this pot and C421, perhaps, comes a fragment from another krater,
C425 (BMC Vases I, ii, fig. 153). It is more carefully decorated than either
C417 or C421, but the hooves link it with C417.

SOME MYCENAEAN ARTISTS

173

GROUP IV

1-3. This group comprises three kraters in the British Museum, G418,
C419, C420 (plate 19, a , b , c), all from Enkomi. The style is rough, even
negligent. Personality, it may be felt, is hardly evident here, unless it be a
negative personality. But in spite of the carelessness of it, the style is con¬
sistent; and the three pots are further linked by a close similarity of shape
(though the deformation of C420 in firing obscures this point), and by the
quality of clay and paint, which are rough and dull of surface.

We might on these technical grounds also place here two other kraters,
C423 and C424; but their decoration gives us little to go on.

Note. Practically all the pots in these last two groups arc included by Furumark
(■ Mycenaean Pottery , 465 ff.) in what he calls the ‘ Rude Style describing this as a
4 derivative Mycenaean ware ’. That this 4 Rude Style ’ forms a genuine stylistic
grouping I concede, though as I have shown I feel it can be subdivided; but I do not
agree that it can be separated clearly from 4 genuine ’ Mycenaean or Levanto-Myccnaean.
My Group IV are, as stated, rougher in technique; but as all degrees occur between this
roughness and the most polished quality of Mycenaean any separation seems arbitrary.
Furumark’s identification of an oriental influence in the subjects decorating 4 Rude
Style * pots I believe incontrovertible; but this influence is by no means confined to this
division of Cypriot Mycenaean.

GROUP V

1. A small jug in the British Museum, C583, from Enkomi, though of
normal shape is unusual in having the shoulder decorated with figures of
birds (plate 19, d) —unusual, that is, by comparison with Mycenaean jugs from
Greece. The fashion is better known in Cyprus, and we have in fact already
examined several examples of it.

2. Birds of strikingly similar form—notice the curve of the leg, and the
two ‘ toes ’ to each, as well as the filling of the body, the general outline, and
the backward-looking head—occur on an open krater from the same site,
British Museum C409 (plate 19, e) t and I think they are by the same hand.
On this pot they are subordinate to the main design, which consists of a
frieze of deer, each a close repetition of its neighbour. The birds arc equally
repetitive; and this strong regularity, both of detail and arrangement, is the
chief characteristic of the whole design.

3. The same regularity of composition leads me to group here a krater in
the Cyprus Museum (A1546), from Salamis (plate 19,/). On this, instead
of the birds below the deer, there are rosettes above. There is a little more
variety in the filling of the deer, and the little loops along the antlers balance
the loops along part of the body-outlines, thus helping the formal unity of the
whole.

174

F. H. STUBBINGS

Since grouping these three pots together, on grounds of style, I have
noticed that the jug, no. i, and the krater, no. 3, have on their bases very
similar 1 pot-marks \ 8 Indeed, the sign is perhaps intended to be the same
on each; if so, is it the potter’s (or painter’s) signature? To conclude that
it is would at present be rash, and would carry with it the ascription to the
same artist of several other pots: e.g ., in my list of marked pots in Mycenaean
Pottery in the Levant nos. 1 and 4 on p. 46, and nos. 1 and 2 on p. 48. Of these
I am prepared to believe that the former two are both by one artist, but I
cannot at present see any stylistic evidence to identify him with the man who
painted the deer and birds under discussion above.

GROUP VI

1. Among the pottery found by the Swedish excavators at Enkomi was
a krater 9 with a design of a lion surprising two wild goats or other small
deer (fig. 2). The subject is unusual, and remarkably lively in execution.

Fig. 2.—Design on a Krater from Enkomi.
(Swedish excavations; Tomb 18, side chamber, no. 50.)

2. A similar scene occurs on a krater of the same shape in the Louvre
(AM 675), from Aradippo. It is hard to judge from drawings alone [BCH
XXXI 234 figs. 13-15), but the lion, a rare beast in the Mycenaean potter’s
repertoire, goes some way to suggest the same workshop as for the Enkomi
hunting scene just mentioned. The goats tugging at a tree or bush are a
comparatively common theme on Cypriot Mycenaean kraters. They occur
for example on fragments of a necked krater (C389) in the British Museum
(plate 18,/), and in that instance bear at least a general resemblance to the
examples just quoted. On the other hand the thick line along their backs,
and the use of the roughly drawn spirals as fillers in the side of the field, would
link them rather with our Group III.

S A ??Ji 7! the design in Sjoqvist, Problems

of the iMlt Cipnol Bronze Age, fig. 21, 4.

• Myc. Poll . in the LevanI 46, nos. 2 and 5.

* Tomb 18, side-chamber, no. 50. Illustrated in

SOME MYCENAEAN ARTISTS

175

GROUP VII

1. Equally striking among the Swedish finds at Enkomi was a krater 10
painted with a scene from naval life (fig. 3). Here, surely, is the product of
an artist whose work one ought to recognise on seeing it again in another
place. The subject is unique; the style, with its characteristic use of dots
edging the main lines of the drawing, is distinctive. So far, however, I have
not observed another major work by this man.

Fig. 3. —Part of Design on a Krater from Enkomi.
(Swedish excavations; Tomb 3, no. 262.)

2. Nevertheless, a three-handled jar in the British Museum, C434, from
Hala Sultan Tckke, seems to betray his hand in the shoulder decoration,
which consists of a pair of birds (fig. 4): at least they seem most like birds,
though their stylised forms have some affinity with plant-motifs—rather in the
way that the motifs of the Zygourics potter are reminiscent at once of palms
and octopods. These birds, then, odd as they arc, have their exact counter¬
part perching on the prow (? stern) of the ship on the Enkomi krater just
referred to. It is almost impossible not to believe they are by the same
painter.

One is apt to think, on observing superficially the fusion of plant and
animal motifs in Myc. 11 IB pottery, that this is the mere degeneration of

,e From tomb 3. no. 262. Illustrated in SCE I. Uu Cypriot Bronx Mr, fig- 20, 3.
pi. CXXI 3-4; the deiign in Sjoqvist, Problems of tht

176

F. H. STUBBINGS

art, when the decorator does not realise what it is he is drawing; and that
might be our first impression about the bird-plants on the jar C434. It is not
so easy, or so reasonable, to think that way if one considers it in the light of
the painter’s other work. After seeing his almost satirical portrayal of the
upper and lower deck we begin to know our man; as we look again at his
plant-birds we can detect the streak of whimsy, and if we have any taste for
such things we have achieved the supreme aim of archaeology as we share an
instant of the Late Bronze Age.

Fig. 4.—Design on a Jar from Hala Sultan Tekk£ (B.M.C434).

Those who have no taste for such things, and who emphasise the scientific
rather than the human side of Archaeology, will perhaps be prepared at least
to admit the validity of some of the groupings made above. If so, it may be
hoped that others too will be willing to look for the individual personality in
Mycenaean pottery. So far it seems easier to find in Cyprus than in Greece;
in the overseas Mycenaean settlements, we may suppose, life w f as less borne ,
because less strictly organised, and subject to non-Mycenaean influences;
wider artistic experience and the will and freedom to express it went together.
The matter is surely very relevant for anyone who still doubts that much of
the Mycenaean II IB pottery found in Cyprus was locally made.

F. H. Stubbings

POST-BYZANTINE FIGURED SILKS

(plates 20-22)

At one time it was generally assumed, even by distinguished Byzantinists,
that the Turkish conquest of Constantinople in 1453 put a sudden stop to
the production of all objects of quality in the East Christian world, and that
after that date Byzantine art at once degenerated into a peasant art through¬
out the whole of the area touched by the Turks. Recent research has,
however, led to some modification of this view, and though work of the same
superb quality as that produced in the great middle period of Byzantine art
was not executed, we now know that in addition to painted icons, such things
as embroideries, carved reliquaries, crosses of chased metal work or champleve'
enamel and objects in bone or even ivory, were produced, which were by
no means negligible from the artistic standpoint. Their production con¬
tinued, moreover, through the sixteenth and earlier seventeenth centuries;
only after that date did Christian art in Greece and the Balkans assume an
essentially ‘ peasant ’ character. It is indeed to the sixteenth century that the
greater number of painted icons that are now to be found in museums and
private collections in Greece are to be assigned, and though there was much
hack-work, paintings of very high quality were also produced amongst them.

In spite of the recent growth of interest in this post-Byzantine age, there
is one art of quite considerable importance which has hitherto received but
little attention, namely that of fine textile weaving. A few examples exist
in public museums; there are a few more in private collections, and it is
possible that more are still to be found in churches in the Balkans, or perhaps
even in those of Italy. Only a very few of these have so far been published, 1
and it is hoped that the additional examples that are illustrated or mentioned
in the following pages may prove of interest to students of later Byzantine
culture as well as to those of textile weaving.

The simplest of these stuffs are woven in two colours only, and bear
designs composed of repeated medallions with the bust of Christ or the Virgin
in them, or perhaps with a more formal device such as a cross or stylised
inscription. More elaborate stuffs, where the pattern is on a larger scale,
and where three or four colours are used, were also made, but these are
less common, for not only must they have been rarer in their own day, but in
addition the increase in the size of the pattern automatically made them more

1 See R. M. Riefstahl, ‘Greek Orthodox vestments Athens are mentioned in the guide but arc not illus-
and ecclesiastical fabrics in Art Bulletin XIV (1932), trated: see G. Sotiriou. Quid* du Musit Byzcntin
359 ff. A number in the Byzantine Museum at iTAttunes, 1939, 139.

D. TALBOT RICE

178

perishable, for in these stuffs the threads of the weft oversail large areas of the
warp in order to produce the desired pattern, and are only very feebly bound
in; they thus tend to break away and perish, so that not only the design, but
also the actual textile, is seriously damaged by anything but the most careful
and sparing usage. This process of breaking away is clearly visible on the
arms of the crosses of the textile shown in plate 20; it would be even more
marked were the pattern on a larger scale.

The textile is preserved in the church of St. George of the Greeks at Venice.
The decoration is in silver on a red ground; the border is in gold, but it is a
later addition, and of a different character. The pattern consists of simple
crosses, with the letters 1 C XC Nl KA disposed around the arms; the crosses
are separated one from the other by four tulips, arranged in the form of a
cruciform pattern. It is worth noting, in passing, that abbreviation lines

have been added above the letters Nl and KA, although the word is written
in full. These lines should actually be used only when the letters shown are

the salient ones of the word, as is the case with the others, 1 C and XC. The
form of tulip on this textile is that found on Turkish pottery and textiles of
the sixteenth century. A stuff which bears an identical decoration and
which is preserved in the Nea Moni on the Island of Chios, however, is dated
to I742. la But technically the weave would appear to be rather looser, and
for that reason the Venice stuff is probably rather earlier. The church of
St. George of the Greeks was erected in 1538, and was endowed with icons
from the middle of that century onwards. The textile was probably also an
endowment, and a date in the seventeenth century would seem more likely
than one in the eighteenth.

Another silk of this group with a similar type of pattern is in the author’s
possession (plate 21, c). It bears a more ornate type of cross, but the same
letters are included beside the arms. The crosses are in looped intcrlacings, and
in the spaces between the loops are four winged seraphim. The ground is blue,
and the crosses, interlacings, and seraphim are gold, outlined in red. The
textile is presumably to be assigned to much the same or slightly later date
than the previous example. A stuff bearing a similar pattern, but of slightly
coarser weave, which is in the Benaki Museum at Athens (no. 852), is
probably rather later, for the weave is freer and the composition rather more
loose. It may even be seventeenth rather than sixteenth century. The
Museum authorities assign it to Chios, which, according to material preserved
in the Scrail at Istanbul, was a very important centre of weaving from the
sixteenth century onwards.

»* G. Soliriou, ADelt II (1916), rapaprflua, 40 and fig. 30.

POST-BYZANTINE FIGURED SILKS

179

A second group of these stuffs can be distinguished by the presence of
figural motives, sometimes in two and sometimes in three or four colours.
One, in the author’s possession, shows the bust of Christ in the Orans position,
enclosed in a circle; between the circles are the usual letters 1C XC N K
(plate 21, a). Here the faces, hands, and details of the costume are in creamy
white, the ground is gold, and the hair dark blue. This blue is made up of
the warp threads only. The gold is well woven into it, and remains firm,
but the creamy-white is only loosely bound down and has disappeared from
most of the faces either completely or in part. Except for this technical defect,
which is to be observed to greater or lesser degree in all these stuffs, the work
is delicate and fine, and the textile is certainly to be assigned to some very
accomplished workshop. It is probably to be dated to the early sixteenth
century. A rather similar stuff in the Bcnaki Museum (no. 828) has the border
and certain details of the design in red, and is also probably to be dated to
the sixteenth century. A second material in the same museum (no. 843) is
rather coarser, and may perhaps belong to the next century. A fourth
example of the same type is preserved in the treasury of Putna in Roumania.
It is attached to a stuff dated 1614, but is probably earlier, though it is
certainly not ‘ Byzantine ’ in the sense suggested by Tafrali, that is to say,
that it dates from before 1453. 2 But perhaps the finest example of the group
is a stuff in the Victoria and Albert Museum (no. 885-1899; plate 21, b). Its
design is similar, but the weave is more elaborate and the brilliant red ground
is especially striking. It is again probably to be dated to the sixteenth rather
than to the seventeenth century.

A third group of these textiles is distinguished by figures which are rather
less stylised, and the presence of a number of colours in the weave helps to
intensify the liveliness of the designs. The motives vary. On a stuff in the
Benaki Museum (no. 836) the Virgin is shown full length with the Child
before her, and angels, crosses, and Turkish tulips are included between the
larger figures. Beside the Virgin is an inscription in Armenian characters.
Similar tulips and Armenian characters frequently appear on a well-known
group of plates which also have floral motives and human figures as a part
of their decoration; they were made mostly at Kuthayah in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. The Benaki textile is probably to be assigned to the
earlier rather than the later century, on the grounds of the excellence of its
design. In the seventeenth century the work tended to become coarser and
less finely finished.

Another textile of similar technique in the Benaki Museum (no. 832)
bears Christ enthroned, and between each repeat of this motive is a tall,

* O. Tafrali, Le Ttesor de Putna (Paris, 1925), 69 and PI. LX.

D. TALBOT RICE

180

double-armed cross; the usual inscription, 1C XC Nl KA, is included. This
stuff is among the finest of the examples of this group that are known. It is
almost certainly to be assigned to the sixteenth century. Akin to it is another
material, of which the author possesses a fragment; a large piece was on the
market in Istanbul beforc’the war (plate 22). In addition to the design of
the enthroned Christ it bears an inscription in Georgian characters reversed,
beside Christ’s head. This would seem to have been executed by someone
who was not conversant with the language, for the characters make no sense. 3
The colours of the textile are brilliant and effective, the ground and the
shading on the costume being red, the cross, halo, and Christ’s himation
gold, and Christ’s chiton, which is visible on the right arm and the right side
of the chest, pale green. The Bible, face, hands, and details of the cherubim
that appear from behind Christ’s throne arc creamy white.

The date of these stuffs is in a few cases supported by external evidence, as
in the case of those at Putna and in the Nea Moni at Chios. But an important
factor for dating in the light of our present knowledge is also afforded by
comparison with Turkish materials of the type usually grouped under the
heading ‘ Broussa stuffs ’. Such evidence as there is suggests that the pro¬
duction of the really fine Broussa stuffs ceased round about 1700, and the
same would seem to be true of those bearing Christian motives. But when
they were first executed is a more difficult question to answer; all that can
be said is that silks were already being produced for the Turks before the
fall of Constantinople in 1453, 4 and the designs of the Christian ones are in
general so Byzantine in character that it is tempting to suggest that work of
the same type was also produced before the fall of Constantinople, even if
nothing that survives can be assigned to that period. Actual stuffs or perhaps
sketches of actual Byzantine works must have been available to the later
weavers, and they must have made use of these, at the same time bringing
their designs up to date by including tulips and other features belonging
to the normal repertory of the stuffs done for the Turkish market.

It is also hard to say exactly where the materials were made, for there is
little direct evidence. All that is sure is that the old idea that all stuffs of
‘Broussa’ type were made at the place of that name is no longer to be
accepted. Scutari, on the Asiatic shore opposite Constantinople, Broussa
itself, or Bursa as it is now called, the island of Chios, and perhaps one or
more localities on the Greek mainland were all centres of manufacture, and
evidence has recently come to light which indicates that the finest work was

• I am indebted to Professor Sir E. H. Minns of 4 See Taksin ftz, Turkish Textiles and Velvets, Turkish
Cambridge for this information. Press, Broadcasting, and Tourist Department, Ankara,

1950, Pis. I-V.

POST-BYZANTINE FIGURED SILKS

181

probably done at Broussa and Scutari, while that of Greece and Chios was
rather coarser, in any case with regard to the technique. The evidence is,
however, still unpublished; I am indebted to the late Theodore Macridy,
formerly curator of the Benaki Museum at Athens, for communicating it to
me; it was in the main accumulated by him during his study of the superb
collections of the Serail at Istanbul. 5

On the basis of comparison with the Turkish materials, a few of those
bearing Christian designs may perhaps be assigned to one or other of these
places. Thus one in the Rhode Island School of Design, which was published
by Reifstahl, 6 can, on the basis of the nature of its gold thread, be associated
with Broussa, while the rather loose weave of such a textile as that illustrated
here in plate 22 is akin to what was being done for the Turkish market at
Chios. But further than that it is as yet impossible to go. It may, however,
be suggested that the stuffs with Christian motives would probably have been
made only in places where Greek workmen were available. In spite of the
presence of Georgian characters on one example, there is no reason to believe
that these stuffs were ever made in the Caucasus. Some may, however, have
been the work of Armenians, for it is known that Armenian potters played a
prominent part in the production of the Turkish wares of Isnic and elsewhere.

D. Talbot Rice

6 The Serail collection comprises an amazingly rich
array of silks, some of which are still in the rolls in
which they were originally delivered from the factories.
In some cases the receipts of manufacture have also
been preserved. Theodore Macridy and Taksin Oz.
Director of the Serail, were preparing a publication of
this material before the war, but Macridy*s death and

present-day difficulties for long postponed its appear¬
ance. The first volume of a three-volume publication,
by Taksin tjz alone, has now been issued—see prev ious
note. It deals with the fourteenth, fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries.

• Lx. til. Both arc illustrated.

LAUDATORY EPITHETS IN GREEK EPITAPHS

Alan Wace and I spent three memorable years together, wellnigh half a
century ago, in the British School at Athens, of which he was later to be for
nine years the Director. The first book which either of us published was the
Catalogue of the Sparta Museum , in the writing of which we collaborated, and I
have followed with keen interest his subsequent career as scholar, administrator
and teacher. I therefore regard it as a privilege to make a contribution
however slight to the volume of the British School Annual which will serve as a
tangible expression ofhis friends’ admiration of his past achievements and their
heartfelt wishes for his future happiness.

Of the various classes into which Greek inscriptions fall incomparably the
largest numerically is that of epitaphs. To illustrate this preponderance we
need only turn to the recently completed editio minor of IG II and III, the
monumental work of Johannes Kirchner, which comprises all save Christian
inscriptions from Attica later than 403 b.c. ; these, with the exception of epi¬
taphs, are numbered 1 to 5219, while the epitaphs continue the numeration
from 5220 to 13228. Of this class a considerable number are metrical, ranging
from poetical compositions of the highest order to the merest doggerel, and
interesting not only as minor works of Greek literature, but also as throwing a
valuable light upon the Greek conceptions, at various periods and in many
different parts of the Greek world, of life and death, of happiness and sorrow,
of human virtue and divine nature, of fate and chance. These naturally
invite and reward careful study, and we cannot but welcome the first instal¬
ment 1 of a new collection of Greek epigrams inscribed, or intended for in¬
scription, upon stone, replacing the admirable, but now largely antiquated,
work of G. Kaibel, 2 published seventy years previously; nor must we overlook
the fascinating volume in which R. Lattimore 3 examines Greek and Latin
epitaphs from the standpoint not of form but of content.

But prose epitaphs have received comparatively little notice 1 and arc
usually passed over as dull and unprofitable, brief and unadorned records, for
the most part rigidly formal in expression, of the deaths of men, women and
children unknown to history. True, the names they contain may occasionally
possess linguistic or other interest, their ethnics may have some geographical

1 P. Fricdliindcr and H. B. Hofflcit, Efngrammala :
Greek Inscriptions in Verse, I. From the Beginnings to the
Persian Wars, Berkeley, 1948.

* Epigrammata Graeca ex lepidibus conlecta, Berlin, 1878.

* Themes in Greek and Ixitin Epitaphs, Urbana (Illinois),
1942. Unfortunately the work has no index and no

table of inscriptions quoted.

1 Useful bibliographies of books and articles dealing
with Greek epitaphs are found in J. J. E. Hondius,
Saxa loquunUir, 127 f., and R. Lattimore, op. eil. 13,
343 ff-

LAUDATORY EPITHETS IN GREEK EPITAPHS 183

value, their claims of ownership or threats of penalties for tomb-violation may
draw the attention of jurists, and the not infrequent indications of the age oi
the dead may afford materials for biometrical study ; 5 but in general these
documents are regarded as uninspiring and are accordingly neglected. My
object in the present note is briefly to suggest a line of inquiry which might
well repay the time and labour demanded, that into the laudatory epithets
found in a very large number of these inscriptions, which may serve to
indicate the virtues most practised, or most highly prized, among the Greeks,
in the hope that someone else may follow it up further and treat it more
adequately than I can attempt to do. 6 In the remarks which follow I coniine
myself to prose epitaphs, and more especially to those of the so-called Attic
type, in which attention is drawn primarily, and usually exclusively, to the
deceased, whose name may be accompanied by patronymic, demotic, or
ethnic, and other particulars, such as age or profession, often accompanied by
a greeting, normally x<*pe. Jess frequently Odpaei, evv^ei, or the like, brom
my survey I exclude Christian epitaphs, since the conception ot virtues
there expressed may be due, at least in part, to Christian rather than to
purely Hellenic feeling and tradition. . ,

This is not, we must frankly admit, our sole evidence for the Greek attitude
in the field of morals. We possess the writings, steeped in moral reflexions, o
epic, lyric, and dramatic poets, of historians describing and judging moral
factors in public life, of biographers portraying the characters as well as
recounting the deeds of their subjects, of philosophers engaged in ethical
speculation. Further, from the multitude of extant honorary decrees and
similar inscriptions we can.estimate what qualities as well as what services
evoked the admiration and the gratitude of the ancient communities, while
the surviving decreta consolatoria 7 present us with vivid, perhaps somewhat
idealized, portraits of those whose premature deaths called out these expres¬
sions of sympathy with their surviving relations. 8 Y et the writings in question
are, with few exceptions, the work of authors of outstanding genius an
strongly marked individuality, while the relevant decrees are all public
documents, and we are left wondering what the ordinary folk felt and thought,
if indeed they thought at all, about moral values. And it is precisely in
introducing us to ‘ the common man ’, his thoughts, speech and actions, that

1 Sec, e.g., B. E. Richardson, Old Age among the Ancient
Greeks (Baltimore. 1933), 231 fT.. 277 F- M. Hombert
and C. Prdaux, Ckromque d'Egypt*, XX 139 n.

• It must be borne in mind that the references given
in the present article are, save where the context
indicates otherwise, only illustrative and make no
pretension to completeness.

^ * E.g. IG IV* 83-4. 86. V (2) 57. XII. (7) 33. 53“4.
239-4°. 393-7. 399-4°'. 4°5> 4°8-'° XIV 758, L.

Robert. Hellerdea, III 10 ff.; (f K. Buresch. RhAfus
XLIX424.fr. ,, .

• In passing I note the ep.thets XPn*r6*. 9
and yoOpos (here unquestionably laudatory;, added to
the names of certain ephebi at Eretna and T'anagra
(L. Robert. Hellenic*, t 127 IF., II *39 ?•>. »»*
word dye** occasionally attached to the rones ol
Spartan officials (A. M. Woodward, BS.4 XLI1I 225..

l8 4 MARCUS N. TOD

inscriptions make one of their most valuable contributions to our knowledge
of the ancient world.

But, it may well be asked, what is the value of the evidence so obtained ?
We recall Archilochus’ appeal (65 Diehl 2 ) to good feeling and gentlemanly
behaviour, ov yap £a6Aa KcrrflavoOai KEpTopelv £tt’ dvSp&aiv, the approbation
given to Solon’s legislative ban on defamation of the dead, 9 and the familiar
de mortuis nil nisi bonum. The story of the child who, after passing through a
cemetery and reading the legends engraved on the tombstones, turned to his
parent with the question ‘ Where are all the bad people buried ? ’ may lack
historical foundation, but is not devoid of significance. Moreover, the lan¬
guage of the epitaph is determined not by the judgement of some unbiased
authority, but by those most closely related to the deceased. Can we in these
circumstances accept the verdict as unprejudiced and reliable? In this
objection there is truth, but not the whole truth. For tombstones were set
up in public places for all members of the community to see and read, and the
survivor who made a blatantly false or exaggerated claim on behalf of the dead
would bring ridicule upon himself without in any way benefiting the reputation
of the person commemorated. Furthermore, there was no need to add any
word of praise in epitaphs, and especially those in prose. Of Attic prose
ancl fifth centuries b.c. four at most have such additions
(/Cl 2 1032 dvfjp dya6o[s], 1057 ywf) dyert^ 1059 yuvr) Aplor^ 1058 ow<p pcov y\
fcOyoTtp, but this last may be intended as verse), among the private epitaphs
/r- Vi2 C ™ an C “ lzens anc * !ctot£AeI S °f the fourth and later centuries included in
/G II 5228-7881 only two prose examples have laudatory epithets (5913
XTO"* fi /53 {cf. 10932) TrapdSofcs, of which the latter probably refers to
athleuc distinction rather than to moral excellence), and in other areas also—

1 iJ •°P onncse ’ Boeotia, the Cyclades and Sporades (except Anaphe)—such
additions are unusual and tfyeir absence would evoke no comment. There is,
then, no need for excessive scepticism or cynicism in dealing with these epithets,
and even while we admit, as we must, our inability to substantiate the claims
thus put forward on countless Greek gravestones, we can at least see in them
indications of the qualities which were admired and gladly remembered, and
would therefore tend to be attributed to those who had passed from sight.

Here, as in many other respects, the Greek-speaking world was not wholly
homogeneous, and local usages are occasionally discernible. Thus, the
epithet Trpoa 9 iA^ is characteristic of, and practically confined to, Thasos 10 ;
AoOyKprros, again, occurs specially often, though not exclusively, 11 at Rome,

7°° Z6X< ^ «■' 6 «?«? VI .34) contains the phrase ^.Wro.

10 ThcThaS,^^!. 5 dy S pW,n i • For ‘he meaning of the word see below.

3 n S -6o 0 i ^ collected m IG XII (8) » In JUS LXVII t«. I restore Ao*i[9 dlowKpi™

395 3 , All ouppl. 452-513. An ep.taph of Aezani for Ao^[ a ] Zwxp(T« in an epitaph of Thessalonica '

LAUDATORY EPITHETS IN GREEK EPITAPHS

185

perhaps as a conscious translation of the Latin incomparabilis ; kotoOupios, used
in two epitaphs of S. Paolo on the Tiber (MA XXXIX 142 f. nos. 2, 4), I
have not met elsewhere; the combination XPW^S KC£ 1 6wrrro$ is remarkably
popular at Syracuse, xP f l (rr &S Kal oAvttos at Sidon and Rhcnea, and so on.
Nor can we fail to be struck by a marked difference between Hellas and the
Aegean islands on the one hand and Egypt and Rome on the other. In the
former area, where the Hellenic race was least affected by foreign intermixture,
and to a lesser degree in Asia Minor (though there epitaphs are predominantly
of a different type), Macedonia, Syria and Sicily, epithets are very sparingly
used, only one is added, with rare exceptions, 12 in each epitaph, superlatives
are avoided, 13 and the epithet is selected from a narrowly limited group, in
which xP^^os enjoys an overwhelming predominance. The Megalopolitan
epitaph (IG V (2) 491) OiAeive &ya0£ X aT P 6 > 9»VS9 iAe Kai cpiAavQpcoTTE, rraaiv
TTofhyrf, pr| 5 £va Avrrniaas, eu|Mcote, ££vcov Kal £vtott(cov &<p06vcos 3^005, with its
attempted portrayal of the ideal character, forms a glaring contrast to the
prevalent restraint and verbal parsimony. In Egypt and Italy, on the other
hand, especially in the Imperial period, such restraint tends to vanish; super¬
latives become common, exaggerated terms are frequent, 14 and virtues are
accumulated, 15 as in SEG II 521 (Rome) uryrpl dycnnrrfj, 91A0&CO Kal <piAoxi l ip<?
Kal <piAdv8pcp Kal <ptAonb<vcp, or Sammelbuch , 411 (Egypt) 9 iA6tekve, 9iAoyvvaiE,
91A691AE, £V9p6aw£, oAvtte, XP 7 !^ X^P*- or 6651 (= $EG I 574) XPHo^l.
TTaai9tAE Kal dAvrrrE Kal 9\AoyiTcov. It would be interesting to inquire how far
this difference was due to the impact of external influences—Oriental,
Egyptian, Jewish, Roman—on the mind and speech of the Hellenes.

I have remarked above on the overwhelming majority of cases in which
the epithet, or one of the epithets, selected is xpn aT °S» usually translated
‘ good ’, and we must ask why it was so much more popular for this purpose
than ayaeos. Not that dyoOos is wholly absent. We have seen that in fifth-
century Attic prose epitaphs &ya66s occurs twice and <5pio-ros once; later it
recurs twice in Attica (IG II 2 11420, 12583), in Laconia (IG V (1) 762),
Arcadia (IG V (2) 221, 235, 258, 491), Boeotia (IG VII 1704, 2130, 2315), and
elsewhere, notably, in conjunction with fipws, in Sicily (IG XIV 223, 225,

11 E.g. IG II* 12034 XPn<rr** kcA Kiwio*, 1274Q XPh^
5 ixda, V (2) 492 9iXav6poT&TTi *ai ciyvoT&TTi. VII 3050
KaXi IX (2) 849 XP’Vrti xal (ko]M) SyX<V

Far more rarely we find three epithets, as in Maiuri,
.Nuova Silloge 600, SEG VI 565 (Pisidia).

” Except in the case of yXvxvs which is almost
invariably found in the superlative; (Spurro* is occa¬
sionally used, and we have also cuivoTdrrn. either alone
(IGV (2) 218, Demitsas, Maw&wla. 744) or accompanied
by another superlative (see note t2j, [npoo9iJXf<ndni
(IG XII (8) 603), etc.

14 E.g. do^yxprrot, du(i)Iiirfroi, dvaydpTrrros, tV \sbrry

cweoows xal 9lXav«pov (references in IG XIV', p. 767).
TTavdpcr* (IGV (1) .490. XIV 2098. S*m*ulbueh.W£ 1)
contrasts with the more modest hdperosof IG Ml 2071.
I quote here the unique opening of an epitaph o
Patara (TAM II 443) XX-

9iXav5pla dawKprro*. 9*Xcmxvla dwrrtpPXriro?. tcdXXo5 d*l-
ptrrw. ow9poown dEifiyirr^.

“ See Lattimore, op. at. 290 ff. Examples arc Dain.
Inscriptions gtecques du Music du Lome : Us textes inldxts.
174 9i>ic5«A4 C ( 9iXoti[k]w, 91X691X1, 6>*rm, XPI^rt X*P«.
SEG IV 133, VI 565. Sammelbuch, 330 f-, 343, «99°-

186

MARCUS N. TOD

22 9 ~ 3 I > IV 40-3). "ApioTos (IG II 2 12300, Paton-Hicks, Cos , 279) and
dycxOcoTcrros (IG XIV 1782, 1939) are also found, But over against these
sporadic examples of dycxOos we must set the hundreds of epitaphs from all
parts of the Greek world, in which xprioros is preferred; I know of only one case
in which the two words stand side by side. 16 If a distinction must be sought,
I suggest that dyaQos may represent an * abstract ’ virtue of the human soul,
while xptiotos may denote goodness in action, goodness which finds an outlet
in the service of those in the home or the community, helpfulness. 17 This
consideration may help to explain the comparative frequence of the phrase
KctAq yvyA (see below) or dyctef] tpuyi'i (IG XIV 1365, 1518, 1543), whereas
XpiioTfi vyi/yii occurs, to the best of my knowledge, only in IG XIV 1714. 18 The
vogue of xpTicrris did, however, present a problem to the epigrammatist.
While the names of many virtues— &p£TT|, SiKatoouvii, crco<ppoowr), qnAo^evfa,
etc.—meet the exigencies of elegiac verse, xpn<rr6Tr)s wholly fails to do so, and
the difficulty was overcome only by the creation of a word, unknown in prose,
XPTicrroaOvTi (IG II 2 11375, L. Robert, Hellenica , VII 155 n. 1).

But if xpTiaros thus wins a runaway victory in the race for popularity, the
runner-up, longo sedproximus intervallo , is no less easy to determine. In many
widely separated parts of the Greek world, applied equally to men and to
women, standing alone, or, more frequently, coupled with xpr\crr6s and/or
other epithet, we meet the term fiAmros. 19 I have not come across it in
Bocotia, Thessaly, Macedonia, Thrace or Thasos, and it is rare in Attica
(IG II 2 8150, 11740, 13011), the Peloponnese (IG IV 645, V (1) 809, 1278,
V (2) 210), most of the Aegean islands (IG XII (3)’ 850, XII (5) 85, 91, 417,
XII (7) 291, XII Suppl. 198, 242, 688), Asia Minor (CIG 3261), and Italy
(IG XIV 885, the epitaph of a Commagenian buried at Capua), but it is
common in Aegina, Anaphe, Rhenca, and, above all, in Syria and Egypt.
What, then, is the sense of dXvnros? The word bears two distinct meanings, 20

'* IG II* 12583 XPntrrfi dyafW) w^Xforpia. But I have
little doubt that here dya9i^ indicates professional
rather than moral excellence, as we might say * He is a
bad man but a good carpenter *. The distinction
between these two senses of dyo66s appears in IG XIV
1319 dyaWSi, to «ol Tt\v Tfxirip. In IG II* 9121, the
epitaph of a Cypriote buried at Athens, we have a
thrice-repeated xp1°"r6s-

_ 17 Cf. Stobacus, Eel. II 108 XPnrrAnrra hnon^Tiv
KmoiriTiK^v. The aspect of serviccablcness would be
prominent in the case of slaves or freedmen (IG II*
IX (2) 855. 859, 861), as in the epitaph of a
Thasian shepherd fxp]nor6$ [to!* SJarirdTats, discussed
by L. Robert, Hellenica, VII 152 ff.; see Robert's
remarks in Etudes cnatoliennes, 369 f. Hesychius has
the entries xpn<rr6r xpAoipos and xpnorioir xpno>P«v, but
only once, so far as I know, is xpfa'ues used in an
epitaph (Paton-Hicks, Cos, 272).

“ 9 ,hcr e P<‘ hc ‘s applied to yvyt'i in prose epitaphs
are dxcncos (IG XIV 2077), dsliivryrros (ib. 1304),

dotapiTOS (ib. 2024), oiwvf) teal davwcpuo? xal dti photos
(i£. 1700), dyW) teal 8l*:aio$ teal «voi£sot*tii (SEG IV 133).

>* 'riie feminine dXOrTn is rare (IG V (1) 809, SEG VII
274); sometimes the word is misspelt fiXonros (SEG
VII 903, Sommelbuch, 6172, Le Bas-Wadd. 1853, 1870).
In A. D. Trendall’s Handbook to the Nicholson Museum *
(Sydney, iga8), 451, two Greek inscriptions brought
from Antioch by Prof. S. Angus arc thus entered:
*70. t0yvxiaPi49aXvm[?J; 71. [?]Xnn x«»|p« In no.
70 cOyOxi (common in epitaphs, e.g. SEG VII 66, 802)
and fiXvmf are certain; the intervening name eludes me,
nor does the list of names in H. Wuthnow. Die semiti-
schen Menschennesmen in griechiscken Inschriften, 8 f., provide
a convincing solution, though Apip< or A£ipa9 is possible.
In no. 71 the name is lost, but fijX<u>wi xal|p* may be
confidently restored.

*° For examples, all except one drawn from literature,
see LS* s.v. The word does not occur in Homer,
Aeschylus or Herodotus, but is common in Sophocles
and later writers.

LAUDATORY EPITHETS IN GREEK EPITAPHS 187

which we may term active and passive, (a) causing no grief (or pain), and ( b )
suffering no grief (or pain). How highly the Greeks prized a life free from
the pain of physical weakness, bereavement and poverty and crowned by a
glorious end we can judge from the stories of Tellus of Athens and of Cleobis
and Biton of Argos, attributed by Herodotus (I 30 f.) to Solon when asked by
Croesus whom he deemed the most blessed ( 6 A( 3 icbToros) of men. This same
freedom from grief is occasionally emphasised in metrical epitaphs, as, e.g. t in
the couplet

TrXElara piv EV9pav6ets pioTcoi, Avrrais iActyiarais
XpTiaApEvos, yfipcos TEppa poAwv Trpos dxpov “

But if dAunos is to be interpreted in this passive sense, it must be excluded from
the list of laudatory epithets, for the mere absence of pain, while it may well
be a ground for congratulation, cannot rank as a virtue. I feel convinced,
however, that in prose epitaphs the word is to be taken in its active sense, and
I appeal to the phraseology of several epigrams which obviously express the
same idea as that conveyed by dAvnros in prose: IG II 2 5673 [o 05 ]tva \\mT\aaoa,
6873 [o]O 0 evl Avttt}<p)&, 13098 iraoiy 91A0S ou&va Avrnov, IG XIV 463, 1976
p n 8£vcc AvTrfjcras, 1857 oOSeva Avm'itras, 1890 o 08 £va Aonrt'iaooa. And this inter¬
pretation is confirmed by phrases found in four prose epitaphs, from Laconia,
Arcadia, Macedonia and Bithynia respectively, dAvire -rraai in IG V (1) 1278,
and pt^cx Avm'iaas in IG V (2) 491, L. Robert, Les gladiateurs dans l'Orient grec
84 f., and F. K. Dorncr, InschrifUn und Denkmdler aus Bithymen , 104 f. no. 121.-
Thus in the constantly recurrent oAvttos of the epitaphs we have no mere record
of the untroubled lives led by those commemorated, but the assertion of a
positive virtue, albeit expressed in a negative form, the claim that they had
passed through life without causing pain or grief to those around them. I
cannot but wonder whether the same active sense should be attributed to
TrpoCT9iAf|s, common on Thasian graves, which I have always hitherto inter¬
preted as ‘beloved’; the phrase tto]A(tciis irpoa9i[Aris] ( IG XII (8) 569)
favours, but by no means proves, the active meaning. Whether the personal
name 'AAurros and its variants 23 were bestowed as auspicious omens of an
untroubled life, or as expressing a virtue which, it was hoped, the bearers
would display, I cannot say; perhaps there is no single or simple answer to
the question.

« IG II* 10510 .

** I omit IG XIV 1588 w«ASs "piSofc unfcvo
un&vi npooxpooaas because of the editor’s comment
‘ videtur Christiana \ though I am not convinced of
its truth. Another relevant text comes from near
Amasia in Pontus (Studio Pontua, III 241) l» un&vi
Aurr^oaoa t6v TrdTpwvd now Kvpwov, Iv <SAvtto*

Cm6px«, a curious blend of prose and verse.

» ■AAvnroi (IG II* 9683. SEC III 421. 25. \ l u6.
'AAvnni (Demitsas. Mox.Bovia, 4321, 'AXurria^ [CI(.
1 *,46), ’AAOmoi (SEG VIII 230, Sammelbuch. 4722, 31.
•AAvnm (SEG IV 654. 6', ‘AAvmo (Ugolim. Albania
Intua, III 1211. On the other hand, AAvmrros 1 Hfiptna
x 16 f. I, -AAvtttiSo? (SEG VIII 7601 and ’AACmcrro?
(SEG IX 654 ' must ** interpreted as passives.

MARCUS N. TOD

188

Another epithet of doubtful meaning, used especially in Egypt, is
TraaicpiAos, 24 which LS 9 translates ‘ loved by all giving three references to
inscriptions and one to a papyrus. In view, however, of its close and constant
association with the active xp^errds, dArnros and the like, and the collocation
■rraoiv tpfXos ov6 iva Aurrcov (IG II 2 13098), I incline to give it also an active sense,
believing that the passive was expressed by -rraa^i Atitos ( 7 GV (r) 1494, V (2)
254) or by Otto -rrdvTcov tt^iAtip&os (SEG VII 1235); 10 which class 91X05
irdvTcov (ib. 260, IG XIV 2119^2) belongs I cannot say.

I must not attempt to examine separately any more of these epithets,
but in closing I review briefly some of them, especially those not already
mentioned, though I find the task of satisfactory classification beyond my
powers.

To wealth, high birth, or power I find no reference, 25 to intellectual
distinction only -ttAvuovctos (IG XIV 929) and iraaTis pouoiktis pETfyouaa (ib.

1 770). Instinctively we recall the Pauline description of the early Christians,
ou ttoAAoI (Kxpoi Kcrra aapxa, ov -rroAAol Suvcrrof, ou -rroAAol EvyEvEts (I Cor. I, 26).
Bravery, too, is lacking, save for one example of dvSpwos (IG VII 2345),
while physical characteristics appear remarkably seldom: a four-year-old boy
is commemorated as KaAdpaAAos (IG XIV 1476), and KaAAIorri (ib. 1405) and
irdyKaAos (Sammelbuch , 331) probably indicate personal beauty, but it is hard
to say how far xaAds, which is not infrequent, refers to physical, and how far to
moral, beauty, though I think that the moral sense predominates. 26 Religion
—represented by ewe^s, 27 EvaE^arcrros, 60105 (IG XIV 1480; cf. F. K.
Dorner, InschrifUn und Denkmaler aus Bithynien , 105 no. 121), cryvos, dyvoTcrros
(IGU* 9526, XIV 1809, 1829), 9 iA 69 eos (SEG II 521), ©£09^5 (IG XIV 480),
©EoaEpris (Paton-Hicks, Cos , 278)—plays a minor, but not wholly unimportant,
role. A large number of virtues are denoted by negative epithets—< 5 xokos,
<5ueU7ttos, <*u(£){htito 5, dpdAvirros (IG XIV 264), dpcbpTyros (Le Bas-Wadd.
2007), dpcopos (Demitsas, McoceSovIct, 463), dvctpdpTryros (IG XIV 1731), <rrrp6a-
KOTTTOS (ib. 404), daropdxnTO? (ib. 2095), dovyKpiTos, d9©opos (ib. 2088)—while
others, though positive, are quite general in character—d^ios, fippoop&os (ib. 1

It is questionable whether we should write
uoolfiXos (with LS*) or tt3oi 91X05. 'Hie forms ncnH^Ae*,
applied to women (Sammelbuch, 6164, 6168, 6651)
favour the former alternative, but uSoi ysy&ra ©iAov
(SEG VIII 497), ttSoiv 9^05 (IG IP 13098), fi[ir]aei
9 1 * 0 * (Kalmlca, AntiMe Denkmcder in Buharien, 336).
9(Xn Traoi (SEG VIII 569), and the feminine in -n
(Sammelbuch, 6192, 725a ™ SEG VIII 494) support the
latter, though not decisively. Perhaps both are
admissible, but in any case the meaning of the w-ord is
more important than its form.

“ Unless the curious-phrase vp T l< 7T *5 XPHo^afv
'WK™ - (IG II* 10904; cf. L. Robert, Hcllcnica,
VII 152) refers to ‘ good birth; I doubt the restora¬

tion and suggest as possible xpn<rr&(s l3n<j]iv or ipi«c]cv.
“ The moral interpretation is involved in the Ire-

J uent phrases like koA&s Piuoos or koX6 5 31)005, as also,
think, in the common koV> yoxi) (IG V (1) 1487, IX
(V 849, SEG IX 882, A. Maiuri, Nuoia silloge, 597).
In IG V (1) 789 koA t) should perhaps be restored

in place of - - KdAn.

” EOotfrit koI dyaOi) (IG XIV 45), X Pnor#, wil
(1 b. 332), cvo*p#u Trtpl esoOs Kai dv3p6irov5 (ib.
1664). Numerous examples arc collected by L.
Robert, who shows (Hellenica, II 81 f.) that in IG XII
(2) 368 ivctpcO is not an irregular vocative of ivoifii)?,
but the ethnic of EOo<p«ia.

LAUDATORY EPITHETS IN GREEK EPITAPHS 189

1393), ivapETos, TTC(vdpETos, [1x6:013 6]prrri kekoc[uti^uos (ib. 2032). Another
group of epithets refers primarily to the feelings of the survivors, though
implying the possession by the deceased of qualities which evoked these
feelings; 28 such are dyennyrds (SEG II 521), tm^TTyros (K* XIV 2072),
-3Tynyrds (SEG IX 907), Kcrraevpios, 1x00191X^05, ttoOeivo* (IG II 2 9 J 5 2 )»
-TToQriTds (JG VII 3434, IX (2) 844), vtxo itdvrcov tte9iAt3p4vos, and with these
we may perhaps associate the extremely common yAvKOrcrros, and also
■deliivrioros (especially frequent at Rome) and dAr)6dpyirros- 29 We come finally
to the epithets which are more specific, and therefore more illuminating.
Foremost among these is a group compounded with 9tX(o)-, such as 9i'Aav5pos,
<piXav6poTcmi (IG V (2) 492), 9iAoyvvaios ( Sammelbuch , 411), 9iX6tekvos (ib.
411, 697, SEG II 521), 91X686X905 (see note 15), 9iXo<rropyo5 (IG XIV 1809),
9,XoylTcov (SEG I 574), 9^691X05 (ib. 538, IG V (2) 491, Sammelbuch , 411),
9iXo X i t lpa (SEG II 521), 91X061^0105 (IG II 2 8393), 9iXdv0pcoiros (IG V (2) 491,
Sammelbuch. , 331), 9iA 60 eos (SEG II 5 2I )“ t0 which we ma Y add
dowKpiTos Kai dovXos (IG XIV 929). Loyalty, justice, straightforwardness,
financial rectitude, and honour are highly esteemed—mords, iricTdrcrros (SEG
IV 33, IX 823, IG XIV 1610, 1651), 8(kchos (IG II 2 12034, 12749, SEG IV
133), dixXoOs, dirXovorcxTos (IG XIV 929, 1610), nn&v» \xx\Skv dyeiXovacx (ib. 905),
Ivrmos (ib. 1761), t(e) i 11105—and pity makes a rare but significant appear¬
ance in £Aef|ycov (A. Maiuri, JIuova silloge , no) and 9iAo X i I ipa (SEG II 5 21 )-

Stress is frequently laid, especially in the epitaphs of women, upon dignity
and propriety of conduct-muvn (SEG VI 565, IG XIV 1700, 2095), oEpvorcrm
(IG V (2) 218, 492, Demitsas, MokeSovi'o, 744, IG XIV 790), Koayi<*>5 tfaxxaa
(F. K. Dorner, op. cit. 115 nos. 135, 137-8), o« 9 P“ v (IG I 2 1058, XIV 1483,
'1490, 1645), anrpErra* fh<00000 (IG XIV 318). Nor is the lighter side of life
wholly ignored; a touch of gaiety meets us in otypdowos (Sammelbuch, 411)
and sueupos (Le Bas-Wadd. 2382), and of refinement in Kopvyd* (SEG I 562)
and dppds (IG VII 2344). The precise sense of cvpoipog 80OA05 (IG IX (2)
88; cf. XII (5) 319) I do not know. . , . ‘ . ,

What features, then, emerge in the composite photograph thus taken.
We sec the portrait of one who respects religion, but in whose life it does not
play a leading part, one for whom virtue is in the main related to the family
and the circle of friends and neighbours, consisting above all in a friendly
helpfulness and the avoidance of all that might cause pain or annoyance to

»• Out of seventy-three epithet* found in the obituary
notice* in the ‘ Times ’ during one week in July, 1950,
seventy-one were of this type (beloved, dearly loved,
dear, deeply mourned, and the like!, and only two
(devoted) recorded directly a virtue exemplified by the
deceased.

» L. Robert rightly claims (HlUmita, IV »3°)
this adjective, which in a Cyiicene epitaph [JHS
XXII 203I i* coupled with Ajiuvno-n*. must mean
•unforgettable’ and not. a, tramlated in LS\ free
from lethargy, energetic *.

« 9 °

MARCUS N. TOD

others, one whose affections arc warm, but normally restricted, and who
claims no special loyalty to city-state or sovereign lord, one who values honesty,
fidelity, probity and all the qualities which help the wheels of social inter¬
course to run smoothly, one who welcomes the gleam of humour which lightens
the drabness of everyday life. Such was the ‘ average ’ Greek—or such he
sought to be.

Marcus N. Tod

SOME NOTES ON THE SPARTAN Impels

It seems appropriate to contribute to this volume an unpublished fragment
from Sparta of a list of victorious aqxsipsis, of which Professor \V ace kindly
gave me a squeeze many years ago, and to append to it some miscellaneous
notes on the lists of this class published in IG V. i, 674-688. Some of these
notes have already appeared in print, in earlier volumes of the Annual , but
it may be helpful to collect and slightly amplify them here, using the prosopo-
graphical evidence now available for establishing a more exact date for some
of the lists. It seems also a suitable occasion to examine briefly a new inter¬
pretation of these lists suggested in a recent work on Sparta. 1

Errin '?

K patcp

£YOA/

’ AB r

Fragment of Sphaireis-Inscription.

(Scale c. 2/3.)

1. A new' fragment of a list of Impels

Upper left-hand corner of a stele with remains of pediment.

H. 0-17 m.; w. 0-17 m.; th. o-io m. Letters 0016-0-025 m., with apices.

» (Mias) K. M. T. Chrimes, Ancient Sparta : a Rt-examinalicn of the Evidence (i«M9)-

192

A. M. WOODWARD

* Found on land of Leopoulos, Dec. 1908, now in Sparta Museum ’
(A.J.B.W.).

’Eni 7TOTp[ov6nOU — —-]

KpdToyfs, ^i8^ou 6 k ’Apt-]

<rro5d[pou toO-— 7 -,]

5 iap [teos 8£-]

[-atpaipels]

[-ot viK&crcrvTEs]

[tos cbpds, k.t.X.J .

The lettering is not sufficiently distinctive to permit of close dating: it
might be as early as the middle of the first century of our era, but is unlikely
to be later than c. a.d. 120. The loss of the first half of the name of the
Eponymos adds to our difficulties, but the choice of names seems limited
to -KpoTtis preceded by five or perhaps six letters. Thus such common
Spartan names as Damokrates, Pasikrates, Philokrates or Sosikrates arc ruled
out, and we might choose between [KaXAt]Kpdn)$ and [NeiKojKpdrris, if
five letters are missing, or suggest [’Apio-rojKpcrnis if six are missing. Seeing
that we have no certain instance of an Eponymos named Kallikrates between
the time of Augustus and the mid-second century, and that the only Aristo-
krates who might suit the evidence of the lettering possessed, and would
probably be referred to by, the Roman names Lucius Volusscnus, 2 I would
prefer to suggest [N£iKo]xp6rrous here, and to identify him with the Nikokrates
of whose year we have lists of Ephors and Nomophylakes recorded on the wall
of the theatre. He is to be dated probably to the first half of the reign of
Trajan. 3 For the name of the Bideos I prefer to restore [’Api]crro5d[pov],
leaving six or seven spaces for his father’s name; [’Api]<jTo5a[p(5a] or
—5a[pavros] seems less likely, as involving a still shorter patronymic. Since,
moreover, we know of an Aristodamos whose year as Eponymos was very

* BSA XXVI 164, 1, A 3-5, and 174-7 (a list of the
Gerontes of his year).

* We may, I think, disregard the fact that in these
two lists, BSA XXVI 167, i, C3 (a) (p) his name is
spelt Nuco-; the same man, ’apparently, is called
A«£!iraxos 6 *ujl NjixoKfxJrnt, op. CtL 163, 1, A9. I now
realise that I was mistaken in suggesting (BSA, lot. tit.,
161, 179) that he should be dated to about the end of
the reign of Trajan. On the other hand it is impossible
to accept the date r. 85/6 suggested by Miss Chrimes
(ofi. cit. 463), for two reasons: (1) Agion, son of
Art cm is i os, whose tursus began with the office of oirnbvns
in the year of Deximachos 6 Koi NiucoKpdriis in the
text just mentioned (1, Ag), lived to be a member of the
Gerousia for the fifth time under Eudamos, whose date
cannot be earlier than t. 140 (t. 141 /a, Chrimes). A
public career lasting fully fifty-five years is an improb¬

able assumption, to say the least. (2) We know from
BSA XXVI, lot. cit. 1, Bt (p) that the senior member
of the board of rwaiKovdpoi in the year of Nikokrates
was I<ocxv5pos Tpvqxovos, whom we find as a efaiptvs in
IG V. 1, 674, to be discussed below, and who was also
a member of the Gerousia for the third and fourth
times under Philokleidas and Aristokrates respectively.
Since the date of the latter was not far from a.d. i 12
(sec below), it seems most unlikely that a post implying,
and probably requiring, considerable public experience,
such as that of senior fvvaiKovopos, could have been
held more than twenty-five years before one’s fourth
term in the Gerousia. It is much more reasonable to
suggest the year of Nikokrates was very close to that of
Aristokrates, and possibly should be placed in the short
period separating him from Philokleidas.

193

SOME NOTES ON THE SPARTAN Z9aipEls

close to that of Nikokrates, 4 we should not be rash, I feel, in identifying him
with the Bideos on our fragment. For the name of the Diabetes , of the vic¬
torious Obe or of any member of the team, there is of course no evidence, apart
from the fact that if the date suggested is approximately correct, the victors
cannot have been the Konooureis, as we shall sec below.

2. The dating of the l9aipeis-lists

Thanks to the extensive additions to our knowledge of the prosopography
of Sparta, especially in the second century after Christ, afforded by the
inscriptions found in excavating the theatre in 1924-27, it is possible to
suggest, within fairly narrow limits, dates for several of these lists, with which
I shall deal in the order in which they appear in the Corpus (IG V. 1, 674-88).

674. I accept Kolbe’s view that in 1. 1 [Me]va<A&>[s] is to be restored as
the name of the Diabetes, and not of the Eponymos, though he is in all proba¬
bility identical with the Eponymos ofc. 97/8 (IG V. 1, 667). We cannot tell,
of course, how many years elapsed between his tenure of these two offices,
of which the former may have been held in his early twenties, but we have
a further clue in that two of the victorious team in our list are found later as
members of the Gerousia, [’Api<rr]on*vns ’ETntcnyrou (1. 5) and Icoav5pos
Tpjtycovos (1. 9), each for the third time, in the year of C. Julius Philokleidas
(IG V. 1, 97), and the latter also for the fourth time in that of L. Volussenus
Aristokrates (BSA XXVI 164, 1, A 3-5). The date of the latter is given
as c. 112/13 in Miss Chrimes’s list, and I accept this as approximately correct,
but her date for Philokleidas (c. 120/1) cannot be right, since, on the evidence
of the career of IcbavSpos, he was obviously earlier than Aristokrates (perhaps
c. 105/10). It would seem improbable that membership of the Gerousia for
the third time could be attained before one was fifty years of age, 5 so we
might conjecture that Soandros was born c. 50/5 and was a <x9c«pe0s, at the
age of twenty or twenty-one, c. a.d. 7<>/75- 6 The further conclusion, that
Mcncklcs was Diabetes about twenty-five years before he was Eponymos
(c. 97/8), seems by no means unreasonable.

675. Kolbe’s suggested date for Mnason, the Eponymos here and in
IG V. 1, 98 (a list of Gerontes), seems to be too early, and I would prefer to
date him not to the reign of Domitian (with Kolbe), but close to Philokleidas;
and Miss Chrimes’s suggestion, c. 106/7, would fit quite well with the fact
that ’AA£$cxs Xpuo^pcoTos, the captain of the team, was later irp^vs vo^vAAkcov

* BSA XXVI 165, «, Bi (y), and 183. _ .

» Chrimes, op. cil . 140. conclude lhai a minimum age
for admission to the Gerousia of fifty years seems not
improbable. It might be suggested that the age of
entry was lowered from the original one of sixty years
O

when membership was made annual and elective.

• For the age of the o^aipds, which she defines as
‘ above the age of twenty see Chrimes, op. at. 1 3 * J *
take this to mean * in their twenty-first year \

*94

A. M. WOODWARD

in the year of Tib. Claudius Atticus, for whom I again accept Miss
Chrimes’s date, c. 134/5. The age of forty-eight for his tenure of this office
would raise no difficulty.

676. The dating of this list, of the year of Agathokles son of Kleophantos,
also turns to some extent on the date of Mnason. Kolbe is wrong, I feel
sure, in putting Agathokles’ year in the reign of Trajan, 7 since we now have
learned, from the cursus of ’Eirdyoeos IcoKpcrrovs, the captain of the team
(BSA XXVI 172, 1, E 12), that he was a member of the Gerousia for the first
time in the year of Mnason, after holding the offices ofNomophylax and Ephor.
If he was approximately fifty in 106/7 we mu st put his year as atpatpeus under
the Eponymos Agathokles back to c. 76/7, perhaps very soon after the date
of No. 674. This date would be consistent with the fact that his name is not
to be found in any of the numerous documents dating from the reign of
Trajan, or even slightly earlier, which we now possess. A further consequence
is that we must reconsider the stemma of the family appended by Kolbe to
this list, for it is no longer possible to identify Phileros, son of Theoxenos, who
is Diabetes here, with TA. ’louAios OiAipcos ©eo^vov who is found in a list
of the Gerousia (IG V. 1, 112, 1 . 2) probably early in the reign of Pius, unless
we believe that he lived to the age of about ninety. On the other hand, this
later Phileros is presumably identical with the Trp£a{ 3 vs £<p6pcov of the year
of Claudius Aristotcles {IG V. 1, 68), and it was his son, i.e. Theoxenos III,
who was cnrovSoTroios in the year when his father was a member of the
Gerousia. The revised stemma should, I suggest, run as follows:

©£<^EVOS I

676

pater

OiA^pcos

676

Sicx{ 3 £ttis £tt1

c- 75

(?) 1

'Aya6oKAfovs

©EtS^EVOS II

pater

c. 105

r*d. 'lov.

<DiA£pcos 0 .

112

yepovcrlas tn\ (?)

c. 140/150

irp. kpoptov £ttI KA.

'AptcrroT^Aous

©ec^evos III

112

crrrovSoTroios.

c. 140

7 I do not understand why Kolbe, in reconstructing ±90 as his approximate date, whilst attributing the
the sUmma of the family of the Diabetes Phileros, indicates list to the reign ofTrajan.

>95

SOME NOTES ON THE SPARTAN Impels

677. It is particularly difficult to fix an exact date for this list. Not only
is the cognomen of the Eponymos - KAavStos — missing, but also that of the
BideoSy Kavtvios —, for whom Tod’s restoration Etfrropos, which is adopted
by Kolbe, is far from certain; and the DiabeteSy Thrasyboulos, is otherwise
unknown. The date of Euporos, if correctly restored, in turn depends on
that of the Eponymos, KaXAiKpcmis 'Poutpov, in whose year he was one of
four <mov6o96poi (IG V. 1, 53, 1 . 32). Miss Chrimes 8 follows Kolbe in
attributing him to the reign of Trajan, and proposes the date c. 100/1, but
the evidence in favour of a mid-second century date, reinforced by discoveries
since the publication of the Corpus , seems unassailable. 9 It should also be
observed that if Euporos was a SpondophoroSy no doubt as a young boy, at
about the middle of the second century, he could scarcely have been a Bideos
until thirty or more years later, say c. 180 at the earliest. But the letter-
forms of our a<paip6ts-list ( e.g . A, for which at that date we should expect
A) seem to exclude such a late date. It seems safer, accordingly, to reject
the restoration of the name Euporos and the dating which it implies; and
this caution is further justified by the fact that we now know of two other
Spartans who had the nomen Caninius, 10 though neither of them can be
identified with the Bideos in our list.

678. The understanding of this text, which in any case docs not follow the
usual formulae in these lists, is made more difficult by the unsatisfactory
copies on which we have to rely. Neither Dodwell’s version, nor the variant
readings given by LeBas from a copy by Lcnormant, enable us to restore the
text or to suggest a possible date. It may be added that Kolbe’s conjecture
noAv<i(v) 0 £i [kckjev] for the last line (TTOAYAOEI, Dodwell, M 0 AYA 02 , LeBas)
seems particularly unconvincing.

679. In addition to the fact that the Bideos had the nomen Aclius, implying
a date for this fragment not earlier than Hadrian, the use of -<o for -ov in
the genitive suggests that it could hardly be placed earlier than c. 140. 11

680. There is no fresh evidence for the date of Lysippos, son of Damainetos,
the Eponymos of this list, but I am certain that Kolbe puts him too early in
suggesting ‘Imp. Ant. Pio vel M. Aurelio’; on the evidence which he
furnishes, a date c. 170 would seem more probable. 12

681. In view of the revised version of 11 . 1-3 of this list which I published

* Op. cil. 464 and 467-8, note A. She does not, to
my mind, strengthen a weak case by postulating not
one but two namesakes, one for Kallikrates and the
other for Chares, son of Chares, who was Tipicpu*
owapxios in the year of Kallikrates (DSA XXVI 166,
i 33)

’ • I have little to add to my summary of the evidence
in BSA XXVI 186.

10 BSA XXVI 168, 1, C6 and 170, 1, D3; cf. H. Box,

JRS XXII (iQ3*>. 167 «*•. v .

11 Among the dedications by victors m the wji 5 ik©s
dytiv at the sanctuary of Orthia the earliest dateablc
instance of-<o for -ou is no. 43, C.A.D. 133/4; nos.a6.50,
52, 54 seem to belong to the period 140-170, and later
on it is still more frequent. (Cf. Artemis Orthia, 3x9 IT.)

11 Chrimes, lee. cil., says ‘ near in date to Agetoridas
(e. 168/o) *; I should put A. a few years earlier (c.

« 6 3 / 4 ?>-

A. M. WOODWARD

196

recently (BSA XLIII 256), in which the name of the Diabetes is restored as
(Latov I 7 ohttco]vi'ou ’Apia[T6a tou ’ AAkootou] , the date may be put as c. a.d. 140,
the approximate year of the Patronomate of his father C. Pomponius Alkastos. 13

682. I suggested also in the same article (248), a propos of a reconstruction
of IG V. 1, 172 -f- 174 + 175, that we should read in 11 . 3-5 of V. 1, 682
— —, TTpooTa] j tou S£ 1 % (pfuAfjs Kal yupvaaidp] [ \o\j Aup. ’Atto[AAcoui'ou
tou < -aq>ai] | peIs, k.t.A. To this I would now add that the letters surviving
in 1 . i and before 8 ia( 3 eT- in 1 . 2 are surely the remains of the name of the
Bideos, and not of the Patronomos of the year, for it would be unusual for
the name of the former official to be omitted. This conjecture is made
practically certain when we observe that P. Aelius Alkandridas, son of
Damokratidas, whose name is restored rightly in 11 . 1-2, received a statue
from the City and his colleagues in his capacity of -rrpfopvs (3i8ecov, IG V. 1,
556 A. As, moreover, we know that he won a victory at Olympia in 197/8,
no doubt several years before holding the distinguished office of President of
the board of Bideoi , and as, further, among his colleagues on the board are
three men named Aurelius, without the praenomen Marcus, our list IGV. 1, 682
must be put (perhaps a very few years) after a.d. 212.

683. There is nothing to add to the evidence cited by Kolbe for the date
of this (lost) list, which he gives as 4 Ineunte III. p. Chr. sate* His subsequent
conjecture for 11 . 8/9, piS§ou 8S M. Aup. ’ Po [0900] | tou [KAeavopos], 14 though
most convincing, sheds no fresh light on the date.

684. It is by no means certain that this list is correctly restored at the
beginning, so as to read ['E-rri ircrrpovouov] | Tcaov n[oirrrcov(ov ITav] | QdAovs
[Aioy£vov ’Apt] | errfa - a<patpels, k.t.A., since we should expect the names of
the Bideos and the Diabetes to follow that of the Eponymos. I prefer to
follow the alternative mentioned, but not adopted, by Kolbe, and would

read [-6iaph-£os 8£] | Tatou n[ouTrcov(ov, "k.t.A., assuming that the names of

the Eponymos and the Bideos are missing. In any case, the frequency of the
nomen Aurelius, without the praenomen , points to a date after a.d. 212.

685. The restoration which I proposed recently for the name and titles
of the Eponymos here, whom 1 identified with M. Aurelius Philippos (BSA
XLIII 256 f.), indicates that this list must also be dated after 212, since the
same man appears in IG V. 1, 551 as High-Priest of the Emperors, and as
defraying the cost of a statue to a man whose son assumed the name Aurelius,
presumably in 212. As Philippos does not there record the titles of aicbvios
ayopav^uos, atebvios dpioTo-noAiTEv-rfis which he bears in our list, presumably
it is the earlier of the two.

686. -7, -8. I can shed no light on the date of these fragments, though

11 Chrimcs, toe. (it., * e. 139/40 with which I agree. 14 IGV. 1, Addenda el Corrigenda, p. 304.

SOME NOTES ON THE SPARTAN SpaipeTs 197

perhaps the curved letter-forms of 686, found also in 682 but not elsewhere
among these lists, may indicate an approximately similar date. 15

One other item of chronological interest may be recalled here, namely
that the Konooureis celebrated their first victory for forty years in the year
of Hermogenes, probably early in the reign of Hadrian. 16 The only definite
records of their victories fall later than this period, no. 681 c. 140 and no.
684 after* a.d. 212. As has been pointed out above, this means that our new
fragment, if correctly dated to the year of Nikokrates, early in the reign of
Trajan, cannot have commemorated a victory of the Konooureis.

The dates suggested for these lists may be shown in tabular form, as follows:

Date

IG V. 1

New frag.

IG V. 1

674

676

675

677

ll?

680

682

683

684

685

6781

686

687

688

f. 70/75
*• 75/8o
c. 106/7
c. 105/10
early second
cent. (?)
after c. 140
c. 140

V70/5

after 212

Eponymos (or other official)
Diabetes, Menckles

Agathokles
Mnason
Nikokrates (?)
- Claudius - -

Lvsippos

Divus Lycurgus, e'

Bideos, Aelius - -
Diabetes, C. Pomponius
Aristeas - -

Bideos, P. Ael. Alkan-
dridas

Diabetes, C. Pomponius
Panthales Diogenes
Axistcas

„ M. Aur. Philippos

(relative order of these four uncertain)

no certain indications of date. 17

3. Were the fcpaipeTs teams of ball-players ?

There can be no real doubt that the a?a.pEls whose victories are recorded
in these lists are to be identified with the young men bearing that title whose
contests were described by Pausanias. 18 But the suggestion, put forward by
Miss Chrimes in her recent book, and argued with considerable ingenuity,
that these victories were not gained in a ball-game of some sort, but in boxmg-
contests, is, I believe, entirely new, and deserves careful consideration, l ne
basis of her suggestion is that the word a<pcnp€i<; may mean here the wearers
of boxing-gloves (o*tfpai) rather than ball-players, and she conclude:
‘ Whether the team-matches in which, as the inscriptions tell us, the Sphamis

_ quarter

exhibit these rounded letter-forms .

»• CS.BSAXXV1 165, i,Aiaandi8of.; Chnmes ,ep.

i perhaps soon
*• III i4,&-io.

" Op.cil., 131-4-

A. M. WOODWARD

198

took part were boxing matches or a ball game is not important, but the
evidence on the whole favours the first interpretation It is not very clear
in what sense ‘ not important ’ is to be interpreted here, but I would not
agree that it ‘ is not important ’ to assess the evidence correctly when putting
forward such a revolutionary suggestion. Let us see what this evidence is,
and what value is to be attached to it. Summarising it briefly, and not (I
believe) unfairly, it is this:—

(1) The passage in Plato’s Laws , VIII 830 b , where it is advocated that
dirri ludvTcov cr<pafpas fiv TrepieSouneOa, followed by the use of the word 0-901 pouccx«cr
(830') to describe this kind of boxing.

(2) (Xenophon), Resp. Lac. IV 6. The oldest classes of Spartan youths
were divided into two groups . . . the members of each of which ttvkteuovoi
81a t?)v ipiv 6-rrou av ovppaAcoai, k.t.A. 4 Presumably therefore they went about
continuously wearing o9alpai, their ball-like boxing gloves ’ (op. cit ., 133).

(3) Tdt CT9aipondcxicr, mentioned as a traditional dyebv at Sparta (Eustath.
ad Od. 9 372), are presumably a variant of ft o9aipouax»a; ‘ the latter always
seems to mean a boxing match ( cj\ Plato, Laws, loc. cit. ; Pollux III, 150) ’.

(4) ‘ The tops of the stelae on which the Sphaireis-inscnphons are engraved
have pediments, in the gable of which a circular object is represented which
may be a ball. On the other hand this is a very obvious decoration for a
triangular space.’

The conclusion is stated thus: c There is no reason whatever (apart from
the derivation from oqxrfpa, which is ambiguous) for supposing the Spartan
Sphaireis to have been merely ball-players, except the ball-like object, probably
a mere decoration and in any case more like a disc, in the apices of the stelae
referring to them.’

Here again I do not find it easy to follow the reasoning, for the essential
question seems to be not whether the Sphaireis were * merely ball-players ’, but
whether these stelae can be used as evidence that the Sphaireis were in fact
teams of boxers. Let us therefore consider them first, with special regard to
4 the ball-like object in the pediment ’.

(1) This object is found by itself only in no. 675 (cf. BSA XIII 214, fig.).
On no. 683 (now lost) the ‘ ball ’ and a snake were represented as flanking
a four-armed deity (the Apollo of Amyklai); on no. 676 in the field above
the incised pediment is a 4 ball ’ flanked with an oil-flask and two wreaths;
and on no. 672 a 4 ball ’ with a vessel (oil-flask) and a palm is carved below
the text. Here, at any rate, it could not possibly be a disc-like ornament,
and if we still wish to claim this explanation for the 4 ball ’ on no. 675 we
should surely expect to find similar discs on other gable-topped stelae at
Sparta whatever their contents; but to my knowledge there is not a single

>99

SOME NOTES ON THE SPARTAN Impels

example of a stele so decorated. The evidence from these four stelae, the only
ones on which the object in question is preserved, seems most definitely to show
that it is a ball, whether represented by itself or in association with other symbols.

(2) The passage in Pollux (III 150) admittedly refers to a boxing match,

but in IX 197, a passage overlooked by Miss Chrimes, he says: S£

xai a9aipoucxx>cw shrav -rf|v frriaxupov -rife a^cxipas -rratSi'av, a kind of ‘ American
football ’ played by teams on a ground ruled out with lines, of which he
gives a description above (IX 104), which reads like an account, in less
violent form, of the contest of the Sphaireis described by Pausanias. Whilst
therefore o9aipoyaxict may be used to describe either a boxing match or a
particular type of ball-game played by teams, the use of the word a9aipevs as
equivalent to o9aipopaxos appears not to be found in Greek literature; and in
view of the definite evidence of the ball represented on our stelae, it would
surely be rash to assume that the Sphaireis at Sparta used the word there
in the sense of o9aipo|iaxoi.

(3) Even if we had not the clue afforded by the ball on the stelae we might
well hesitate to accept the evidence from Plato and * Xenophon ’, cited above,
for Spartan youths wearing boxing-gloves known as xKpalpcn to explain
a practice under the Roman Empire, when the need for boxing as an element
in military -training had not only ceased, but might well have been frowned
upon by the Roman authorities. Moreover, if boxing at this late date
played the important part in Spartan training claimed for it by Miss Chrimes,
it is strange that we have no evidence of boxing-contests at the great local
athletic festivals such as the Leonideia or the Eurykleia, and that no inscribed
bases have survived from statues set up by, or in honour of, victorious boxers. 20

(4) So much in reply to the evidence cited in favour of the claim that
these lists may record the victories of teams of boxers. It only remains to
recall the passage in Lucian, Anacharsis , ch. 38: u£uvticto f|v ttote ko! els
AaKsSafpova eA0r|s yfi KcrrayeMaai Mvav \yr\U oTeoQai \icrrr\v -rrovelv avrous
oiroTav h <T9a(pas irepi £v t£> tedTpcp avuTrf-movTES iralcoaiv AAXt'iAous, which is
followed by a description of the contest, which, as related by Pausanias, took
place on the ‘ island \ 21 This seems to clinch the matter, and it is unfortunate
that Miss Chrimes has overlooked this vital passage. Had she taken it into
account it is hard to believe that she would have challenged the accepted
explanation of the Sphaireis-Usts.

A. M. \\ OODWARD

*® I am aware of the weakness of an argumentum e
silenlio, but there appears to be no space for an entry
relating to boxers in the list of athletic contests at the
Leonideia recorded in IGV. 1,19, II. 6-11; the bronze
tablet containing a list of money prizes awarded to
victors in the same festival (or the Eurykleia.), BSA

XXVI 213, is so incomplete that it cannot be used as

CV *> III 14. 8-10. Lucian rightly distinguishes the
contest on the * island ’ from the ball-game, which
Pausanias does not mention.

ATHENS AND NEAPOLIS
(plate 23 )

We offer here for the inspection and criticism of Professor Wace a new
text of the decrees passed by the Athenians late in the fifth century con-

Small Fragment (EM 6589) of IG I 2 , 108.
{Courtesy of the National Epigraphxcal Museum).

cerning their faithful allies the Neopolitans, who lived on the coast of Thrace
where now is the modern town of Kavalla.

The larger fragments of the stone, in two groups, have been built into a
bed of plaster in the Epigraphical Museum at Athens, where they bear the

ATHENS AND NEAPOLIS

201

Inventory Number 6598 (plate 23). A smaller fragment, which belongs
to the first decree, but which cannot be fitted into a definite place in
the reconstruction of the monument, bears the Inventory Number 6589
(cf. FIG.).

IG I 2 , 108+ ; SEC X, no. 124. Photograph of the larger fragments in J. Svoronos, Xat.
Ath. Museum, Plate CCIV; photograph of the sculptured fragments in Jdl XLII (1927), 70.

The writing of the first decree was Attic throughout except that H was used for eta and that
the rough breathing was omitted (in one instance A = lambda). It is not sloichedon-, ten
lines occupy about o*157 m. The writing of the second decree is strictly Attic, except for an
occasional OY for O, with a sloichedon pattern in which the chequer unit measures 0*0079 m *
(horizontal) by 0*0107 m. (vertical).

S 3 .

[N] e o [tt] o
[t] 6 p tt a p

[l]6oxoev Tfii P[o]u[Afji] xai toi

A 1 T

& 0 A

Stupor AeovtIs

6 [v]

CT [O V]
hrpuT6[v£U£v,]

Ttapa Qdaov [irpoTov p]£v j [oti caroixoi 6vtes Qao(ov)

xal neAo[TTOvv]riaiov oux f| 0 [ 4 Ar)crav d]

[Crrr’ cxvtov]

[iro]orfiva[t d-rr' 'A0tivcd]ov, &v6[p£$ 5' d]ya6oi SyEvojVro §s te tti]

[v orpa]T[idv xai tov 8q]pov t[6v ’AOqvaiov xa]l to [us

[yous - - ca. 13.]^[- ca. 16 - - -]E[- - ca. 8 - -]

First

Hand

Xuo-STnIN.
a. «<»

IipupTtd 5 [qs £ypa]ppdT£VEV, Xaipipfuqs hT€<rr[dTO, rA]

avKi-mros f\pxl £ > • ■ • *]&°S eTrrar (£-ir]aiv£aai toIs NeoTr[oArrais] <toi$>

[xal iroAio]

pxdpEvoi

lacuna

•5

[-.-

[.]<tei[-

[.-]TE«[-

[.]AEIC[.

I-.•

l.-] EIA E [-

l.-]ios[- -

[-.-]on[- -

[.-]'T[- - -

• -]
--]
-]

-I

lacuna

[. ca. 26 .’A] 0 T)va[io - - - ca. 13-]

[. ca. 27 . J Xpi'lPcrra [- - ca. ii - ]

[. ca. 25 .]vtii ’A0 T)va(oy [- - ca. 9 - - -]

[. ca. 24 --]laoiv Elvai Neotto[Ait- ca. 4 - -]

202

BENJAMIN D. MERITT AND ANTONY ANDREWES

25 [----- — ca. 22 —- - ]ov xal XPH 001 I l ITXX[. . . Ka0d]

[7T£p ol orpcfTTiyoi ol 'A0rivai]ov 282ovto ottos dv exo[(tiv *s]

[tov TrdAepov SdvEia 82 tto] ieo 6 ai outoIs 2k Toy ypTmL^rov t]

[outov a 2 ori tt]s N2as FTJoAeos 2 k tou Aip2vos, tous £v [0daoi]

[orpcnriyos kdoro to 2 ]viouto 6 s d 9 EiArnp 6 Tas rrapd [aq»ov ypa]

30 [ 9 oayivos 2o$ dv 2 vteA]e dTro8o0fjr ttoiev 82 touto e[os dv au]

[toTs 6 ttoAepos fji 6 -rrpos] ©ados’ 6 82 8 i 8 oaai v[Ov NeottoAIt]

[ai ol dird ©paiKi^js Kai (3 o[u]A6pevoi Kal 20EAovT[al 28oaav toTs]
[2AArivoTap] (ais FXXXXPHHH Kal TrpoGupoi ela[i ttoiev 6, ti 8uv]

[cxvTai dy]a 66 v auToi 2Trayy£iAdp£V0i Kal A[oyoi Kai Ipyot 2s t]

35 Wv ttoAJiv ttjv ’AQr^valov, Kai dirri tt^s £V£py£[aias Taurus to vu]

[v £lv]ai Kai 2v toi Aoittoi xpdvo[ l J Trap’ ’AQriva[(ov xdp' T as elvai au]
[t]ois ds dv 8 pdaiv oOcnv 4ya0o[T]s Kal rn[v TrpdaoSov ETvai out]
oTs upos £ouAtjv Kai t 6 v 8 fl[p]ov irfpOTois prrd to l£pd 6s]

£U£py2Tats ouaiv 'A6r|vaiov to[us 82 Trp2apEts Td UTropvripa]

40 Ta toutov d ol NEonoAlrai 28o[aav -rrdvTa irapa8o0vai toi yp]
appaTEl ttis pouAf]s x°P l S P^v [to vuv SeSopEva x o P'*S 82 toA]

Aa, Kai to 90 ^ 910^0 t 68 e dv ay pa [9005 6 ypappaTEUs 6 ]

Tf]s (3ouAf]s 2orfiArii AiOfvrji koto 6 [ 2 to 2p ttoAei teAeoi toT]

S NeottoAitov 2v 82 N2ai FToAtii auToi [dvaypd 9 oavT£s kotoO]

45 evtov 2v TOI Upoi Tfjs T7ap02vo IottiA^i AiSIv^r koAectoi 82 Kal]

2rri x<^ y ia Tfjp TrpEa^Ei'av 2s to TrpuTa[v£lov 2$ aupiov vuvv]

rryt. v'iii Olvopi'oi AekeAeeT oTpaTeyoi TTTF , H[AAAH-f-HIII]

Second

Hand

<07,6 'Ayaloxos cTtte J 2rraiv2aai toIs NeottoAi'tois toTs drr 6 [0pdiK£s ™rd

h os Satv dvSpdaiv dyaOoTs] rroix. 73
2s te t2v oTpandv Kai t2p ttoAiv t2v ’AOevoi'ov Kai 5 ot[i 2s

0daov 2orpaT£uovTo xowrcoAiop]

50 k2oovtes petcx ’AOevolov • Kai hoTt xouvvaupaxovnjEs 2 v(kov]

Kai [koto ylv yawspaxov tov tto]
vTa xpdvov Kal Td dAAa h 6 ti eu ttoioctiv ’A 0 £va(o[s, Kai dxrri

t] outov [tov dya6ov ydpiTas TTapa ’A]

0£va(ov Elvai aurols KaOhcatEp 29or9ioTai T[ot 82po]i: [Ka]i

h ottos ap p[2 d8iKo\rrai pe82v pet]
e utto 18ioto p2te Otto koivo tt 6 Aeos tos te a[Tpcrr£y6]s hoi

dv /iekootote a[pxoai TTavTas 2 rnp 2 ]

A£a 6 ai outov ho, ti dv Beovtoi : Kai tos apx[°] v [ T ] Cf S tous

'AOevoIov hoi dv h£K[doroTE h opoaiv 09 ]

ATHENS AND NEAPOLIS

203

55 ov t4p tt 6 Xiv NeoiroXiTas 9 vXdTrovTa[s] Kal irpoOvpog 5\nas

ttoiev ho, ti dv [aCrrovg KeXeOoaiv]

Kai vOv heupi'aKea0ai aCrros Tropa t[o 8]4po to 'A0evaiov h 6 , ti

av 80 K 61 dya0[6v tei povXei: -irepi]

54 tes d-trapx^ Tei TTap04voi h [4-rrep K]al t4os 4yiyvero Tei [0e]oi

4v toi 54po[i irpdrxaai irp 6 s av]

tos‘ 4s 54 t6 9019 lapa t6 Trpd^Tepov 4j7ravop05aai Tdy ypauncrrkc

tIs poXes i k[oI 4 s goto prrayp]

[d9]aai dvri Tes dTroiKi[as tIs ©aoijov hdn aw8ie-TroA4peo-av top

iroXepov p[eTct ’AOevaiov i upe]

60 [a^eai 84 . .]ai: Kai Il[. Kai ... ]o 9 ovtoi : 4iraiv4aai h crre

vuv Xfyoaiv K[ai Trpdrrrooiv dya]

[06v hvrr4p ’A0e]v[aiov to 84po Kai /)6ti] TTp60vpol eicn iroiiv hd, ti

8uvavTai d[ya66v 4s t4v orpa]

pndv Kai t4p ttoXiv 4g to Xoitt6v KaOhaJirep t 6 irpoTepov- KaX4aai

84 Kal 4m x[ f ^ via ^ aupiov v]

[. .. I ... elite: Ta p4v aXXa KaOhdirep Tei] povXei- tei 84 TIap04voi

4xaaipe[a0ai t4v dritapx^ Ka]

[OhdTtep to -rrpdTepov h4v av NeottoXitov ho 8]Ipos e[0]xct£Tai.

Commentary

The lettering in lines 2-3 becomes progressively crowded toward the
right margin of the stone.

Lines 7-8: The objectionable phrase oti &ttoikoi 6vtes ©acn'ov in line 7
was erased at the request of the Ncopolitans (cf. lines 58-59) and it was found
necessary also to make a subsequent erasure in line 8. Substitutions in the
erasures, as underlined below, were made with the script and lettering of
lines 48-64, so that the text now appears as follows:

irapct ©dcrov [upoTov p]4v 5 {u|ti guv5iETTo[X4pe]gav tov TroXepov prrd , A6evab|v koi
TTOXlo]

pKopevoi v[tto ©aalov] Kal.neXofrrovvJricnov ouk Vi0[4Xriaccv d]

Lines 8-10: The lacuna near the centre of line 9 is too great to be filled
merely by the restoration dv5[pes d]ya 0 oi. Parts of the last five letters o
[d]ya0ol are preserved, and so may now be read without brackets in place ot
the traditional [d]ya[0oi]. But the more important new change in the text
is that at least one letter—possibly two—must be inserted between dv5[pesj
and [d]ya 0 oi. The reading was surely dv6[pes S’ d]ya0o{—or perhaps &v5[pes

84 d]ya0oi. .

In either case the simple fact of letter spacing invalidates the latest

204 BENJAMIN D. MERITT AND ANTONY ANDREWES

suggested reading of these lines as put forward by Wilhelm in 1939: oOk
r) 0 [O|JTiCTav dAjX* d]s Tfjv < 5 [ywav avrrjov av 5 [p£S d]ya8ol dydvofvTo]. 1 The
break in sentence structure comes immediately before < 5 v 5 [pes], and permits
the convincing restoration of the preceding words as ovk ^©[dAriaav
&|no]orfjva[i < 5 tt’ ’A0riva(]ov. The Neopolitans, though colonists of the
Thasians and though besieged by them and the Peloponnesians, decided not
to revolt from the Athenians; 2 rather, they proved themselves noble men
toward the army and the Demos of the Athenians and their allies. The end
of line 9 and the beginning of line 10 must also be recast (though there is no
significant change in restoration) so that the letters still preserved will fit into
the text in the positions which they occupy on the stone.

Lines 12-20: No restorations are attempted in these lines, though there
may be a reference to Thasians in line 16.

Line 21 : The first preserved letter was round, like omikron or theta , part
of the stroke appearing on the edge of the stone above the chi rho in xpi'iucrra of
line 22. The text of IG I 2 , 108 has a vertical stroke in this letter-space.

Line 27: The first preserved letter is certainly an iota. It is the lower
part of a vertical stroke, but it lies so close to the following epsilon that letters
like rho and tau may be excluded.

Line 28: The text in JG I 2 , 108 reads [tt]6Xeos £k toO Aiu£vos toO
Zefppeiou?]; a note in the commentary adds: vix de Ie[puuAi 4 ov Sithoniae
paeninsulae cogites. Neither name can be correct, for the letter following
sigma epsilon was surely not rho. Only part of it is preserved, but the traces
indicate an upper angle as of the top of nu or mu. To the right of this peak is a
small spot of uninscribed surface which proves that there was no horizontal
stroke extending toward the right. The letter cannot have had a top hori¬
zontal stroke. The stone was investigated for us in Athens by John H. Kent
and M. Th. Mitsos, who have reported also that chi is not, in their opinion,
permissible. They have recommended reading either nu or mu.

Line 30: The initial letter (before dn©8.o0iji) is epsilon , rather than sigma.
Its bottom horizontal stroke is quite flat, and its top stroke only.partly aslant.
John H. Kent has again made a verification from the stone in Athens for us.
We accept his identification, which is confirmed by our own study of a squeeze.

Line 33: The first word in this line has hitherto been restored
[oTpcm6]Tais. Final sigma is completely preserved, and the lower part of
the three preceding letters is also preserved. But the first of them is so close
to the alpha that it cannot have been tau and must be read as iota. Since the

1 SBAKWien CCXVII v 04. The sentence quoted * For the phraseology sec Thuc. Ill 55, 3: d 5 ’
here is actually given by Wilhelm (loc. cit. ) as oC* *| 9 [o- d-TTtxrrijvcn 'AOryvolov ovk vikSv nXtwav-iov, ovx

uncav dX] |X’ Is -rtv dfuovov qvtIcv 6v6(p*s dycrfol] {ybwro, A6«ov;*v.
which is particularly misleading.

ATHENS AND NEAPOLIS

205

money given by the Neopolitans was being handed over in Athens we restore
[&ArivoTan]iai$ to indicate the receiving board.

Lines 34-35: At the end of line 25 comes part of a familiar phrase Kai
A[6yoi Kal §pyoi], and we believe that the words to follow it were [is Tty
tt6X]iv rather than [is *rty crrpcm]&v, as would be required by the old
reading of alpha at the beginning of line 35.

Line 39: The reading of ’AOevatov in IG I 2 , 108 is an error for ’Aralov,
all letters of which are clear on the stone. The initial word Evepyi-rais,
moreover, is spelled throughout with Attic letters (A — gamma). The belief
has persisted for many years that Ionic gamma (r) was used in this word, and
citation of it has repeatedly been made in commentaries on the text. 3 This
is an instructive example of the persistence of an error which a study of stone,
photograph, or squeeze could have corrected at any time. 4

Line 44: POAHI is on the stone.

Line 47: This line was cut later than lines 1-46, and by a different hand.
The lettering is strictly Attic. Probably a belief that this line belonged to
the first decree led Austin (Stoichedon Style , 51) to assert that the Attic form of
heta, as well as the Ionic, there appeared. We hold that the amount of money
given to the general was for use in the fighting at Thasos, and that it is identical
with a loan recorded elsewhere for this year in IG I 2 , 304a (line 28). The
upright stroke after the figures TTTPH given in the .radiuonaltext does not
in fact exist, and we have no hesitation in restoring TTTf"H[AAAH+HIII].

Lines 48-64: The writing is Attic stoichedon , with seventy-three letter-
spaces in each line. Marks of punctuation (except in line 48) do not occupy
the space of a letter. It is hardly worth while to argue the validity of
traditional restorations, for they have all been made with a length of line
which extends to the right a distance of six letter-spaces beyond the edge
of the stone, and they violate the fundamental (and elementary) principle of
epigraphic restoration that letters should not be posited at points where there

was no stone to receive them. 7 , of

It is true that the right margin has not been preserved at the bottom ot

this inscription, but both margins arc preserved at the top, and the width of
he stele may be accurately determined as 0 58 m. There ts no evidence of

swags

-!»£ stsseisa;

butTJmFHHRAAA AH-H 1 1 , "allowing the restoration

of at least one additional talent. Cf. Merit!, op. ex¬
piates IV and VI for a photograph and <Wng>

• Under date of March 29. 1950. John H. Kent has
written from Athens as follows about thu line: The
stone breaks off after H. and nothing fetter »
srrved. The break is peculiar m that a >hor d^tance
down the side there is a ridge that runs parallel to the
right hasta of H: hence the Cpr^ireading. But to
repeat, the numeral preserved is TT^H, after which
the inscribed surface immediately breaks off

’ See especially Menu, Epigraph™ Altxca, 47-50-

206 BENJAMIN D. MERITT AND ANTONY ANDREWES '

tapering. Hence one needs only to measure the chequer pattern of the
stoichedon text of lines 48-64 to know how many letters there were in each line.

Line 52: The restoration in the middle of the line should be KaOh&rrep

l<poiq>iorai t[oi 8£po]i i [k<x)\ h&nos -. The letter read in 1 G I 2 , 108

as the E in Z[£puvAi]e[uct]i is the final iota of [8 epo]i, followed by the normal
three dots of punctuation. All that is preserved of the initial letter of the
supposed Z[epuuAi]E[ucr]i is part of a high horizontal stroke, clearly belonging
to tan rather than to sigma.

Lines 59-60: It may be that the restoration [irpicrpEai 8£ . .]cxi: Kai-,

etc., has left too little room for the name of the first ambassador from
Neapolis. If so, some other beginning for the sentence must be found.

Line 64: Despite objections by Bannier (PhW 1922, 835) to the restoration
[6]enos e[0]xorrai, and his preference for mention of a public herald, we
return to the old restoration. There is no justification, cpigraphically, for
[ev | 9emos as proposed by Hiller in 1 G I 2 , 108. The setting aside of first-fruits
to the Virgin was to be a regularly recurring act of piety, 8 and it cannot be
made to depend temporally on a single act of prayer of the Athenian public
herald. 9 The Neopolitans had asked that they be permitted to dedicate to
their goddess, the Virgin, ‘ the first-fruit which even until recently was custom¬
arily given to the goddess Tod, in his commentary on line 57, takes 4 the
goddess * to mean Athena at Athens; 10 and he thinks that the Neopolitans,
from some unspecified earlier date down to the time of this decree, may have
had remission of their tribute obligations to Athens except for the quota
(Arrapyri), and that now they have petitioned that they may give to their own
Virgin even the quota which they have so far given to Athena. This interpre¬
tation implies a new dispensation; we hold that the text of line 57 seeks
rather the reinstatement of an old dispensation. The traditional (trrapxr) to
the goddess had lapsed, and the Neopolitans now begged that they might
begin to dedicate it again. The Virgin and the goddess are identical; both
references are to local conditions at Neapolis; and there is no question here
of Athena at Athens or her well-known quota from the tribute. 11 We have

• Cf. the present tense in ixocnp{[oecn] in line 63 Dittenberger, Syllogc*, 107, note 19, quotes Kirchhoff’s

and the imperfect tense (yiyvrro in line 57. opinion (lG I, Sut>pl. p. 17) that there must be refer-

• E.g. rtrrr.&iv ho ripvxs «0]o<vio* «[0]x«jrrm. ence here to the first-fruits from the Athenian tribute,

10 Gr. Hist. Inscr., I*, pp. 209-210. else the decision about it would have been no business

11 The notion of quota from the tribute was accepted of the Athenians. We believe that they have under-
also by Meritt, Wade-Gery, and McGregor, Athenian estimated the extent to which Athens might interfere
Tribute Lists, I (1939). 5 2 5 ~ 5 a 6 ; but cf. op. cit., Ill, in the local affairs of Neapolis, and their explanation
xii. If the reference were to the quota from the that in effect the Neopolitans were seeking a lowering
tribute at Athens, there ought to be some more explicit of their tribute in the guise of more first-fruits than

• statement about it. There is no evidence that before to their own Virgin goddess has no foundation,
Neapolis ever had remission of her tribute; on the so far as we can see, on anything in the present text,
other hand she was probably at the time of this decree This confusing hypothesis appears also in Roberts-
under obligation to pay even other d-iropxoi. of grain Gardner, op. oil., 63.
and perhaps of oil (cf. IG I*, 76), to Athens.

ATHENS AND NEAPOLIS 207

rather to seek for circumstances that explain the temporary lapse in the
usual dedications to the Virgin at Neapolis. Very probably these
circumstances are those set forth in this inscription. The Neopolitans
pledged their revenues in 410/09 to aid the Athenians in their war against
Thasos. The usual contribution to the Parthenos, we believe, was sacrificed
at this time because of the emergency. In 407/6 the war had been won, and
the first request made of Athens by the Neopolitans was that they be allowed
to begin again the dedication of the drrctpx^ to their goddess. The reply of
the Athenians was given in lines 63-64: 4 that there be dedicated to the Virgin
just as before that first-fruit which the Demos of the Neopolitans may vow
This was a gracious response to a reasonable request. We think it hardly in
keeping with the mutual good-will manifest in the decree that the Neopolitans
should have sought to deprive Athena of the homage of their quota from the
tribute. After all, it amounted only to i6§ drachmai a year, unless Neapolis
was assessed for a greater tribute in 407/6 than we have any evidence for in
earlier records. But to ask that even this be taken away from Athena would
imply a lack of magnanimity scarcely credible under the circumstances, and
certainly (we believe) not worth the bother of an embassy.

The financial pledges made by the Neopolitans in 410/09 amounted to
a series of loans and at least one outright gift of money. The details arc told
in lines 25-33, for which the best commentary is a translation of the entire
text.

TRANSLATION
(In the first hand)

Gods

Of the Neopolitans by Thasos

Resolved by the Council and the Demos; Leontis was the prytany,
Sibyrtiadcs was secretary, Chairimcncs was epistates, Glaukippos was
archon, - - - theos made the motion: to praise the Neopolitans by Thasos
first because being colonists of the Thasians and being besieged by them and
the Peloponnesians 12 they decided not to revolt from the Athenians, but were
noble men toward the army and the Demos of the Athenians and their
allies - - -

(No translation is attempted for lines 11—24)

- - - and to lend 4 talents 2000 + drachmai as the Athenian generals asked,

»* The corrected later version read because they besieged by the Thasians and the Peloponnesians \
fought through the war with the Athenians and being

208 BENJAMIN D. MERITT AND ANTONY ANDREWES

so that they may have this for the war; that they make loans to them from
these moneys which belong to Neapolis from her harbour, recording the
generals at Thasos each year as having received them from them until they
be completely repaid; that they follow this procedure so long as their war
against the Thasians lasts. What the Neopolitans from Thrace now give
they have given willingly and voluntarily to the hellenotamiai—5 talents,
4800 drachmai—and they are zealous to do what good they can of their own
accord, unsolicited, in word and in deed to the Athenian State, and (be it
resolved) that for this benefaction both now and in the future they have
gratitude from the Athenians as being noble men and that they have access
to the Council and the Demos first after sacred business as being benefactors
of the Athenians; that the ambassadors deliver to the secretary of the Council
all the memoranda of these (moneys) which the Neopolitans have given,
separately those given now and separately the rest; and the secretary of the
Council shall inscribe this decree on a stone stele and set it upon the Acropolis
at the expense of the Neopolitans; in Neapolis they shall themselves inscribe
it on a stone stele and set it in the sanctuary of the Virgin; (be it resolved) to
invite the embassy also to entertainment in the prytaneion on the morrow.

(In the second hand)

To the General Oinobios of Dekeleia: 3 talents, 634 drachmai, 4 obols.

(In the third hand)

Axiochos made the motion: to praise the Neopolitans from Thrace as being
noble men toward the army and the State of the Athenians, and because they
campaigned against Thasos to join in the siege of it with the Athenians, and
because they shared the victory of the naval battle and fought together with
them on land the whole time and because in other ways they benefited the
Athenians; and because of these benefactions (be it resolved) that they have
gratitude from the Athenians as has been voted by the Demos; and in order
that they suffer no harm in any way, either from an individual or from a city
government, that care be taken of them not only by the generals who hold
office in their appointed times but also by the archons of the Athenians who
in their appointed times see the Neopolitans protecting their city and being
zealous to do whatever they command them; and that now they obtain from
the Demos of the Athenians whatever may seem good to the Council; but
that negotiations with them be conducted in the Assembly about the first-
fruit to the Virgin, which even until recently was customarily given to the
goddess; that the secretary of the Council make a correction in the earlier
decree, and write into it instead of * the colony of the Thasians ’ ‘ because they
fought through the war with the Athenians ’; to praise the ambassadors

ATHENS AND NEAPOLIS

209

- -as, and P-and - -ophantos for now saying and doing good on

behalf of the Athenian Demos and because they are zealous to do what good
they can to the army and the State in the future as in the past; and to invite
them also to entertainment on the morrow.

made the motion: the rest as resolved by the Council, but
that there be dedicated to the Virgin just as before that first-fruit which the
Demos of the Neopolitans may vow.

Benjamin D. Meritt
Antony Andrew'es

BIG GREEK MINUSCULE, PEMBROKE COLLEGE,
CAMBRIDGE, MS. 310

(plates 24-25)

Nothing Greek is alien to Alan Wace; a handsome Byzantine manuscript
is one of the latest productions of Greek skill, and a study of one belonging to
Pembroke College seems peculiarly in place. Wace came up in 1898 when
I was in Russia, but we made good friends when I got home in 1899; we
called each other ‘ Godbrother *, having discovered a common godfather
who had neglected us equally. Great was my delight when in 1902 he got
distinction in Classical Archaeology, and yet greater when he gained his
first Fellowship that made possible his distinguished future career.

In 1924 there caught my eye in Mr. P. W. Barnard’s book catalogue
what appeared to be a handsome Greek MS. at a reasonable price. I thought
I should like to be able to show in our library a piece of good Greek writing
as we had no suitable specimen, so I bought it with the help of a few friends,
but it was some time before I realised that it was a rarity. It was classed
as an Evangelistarium y very imperfect, in poor condition, and would be quite
ordinary but for the impressive minuscule in which its text is written; this
puts it into a class with, as far as I can learn, only one companion (but see
Addendum at the end, p. 218). If it were an uncial it would be one of a fairly
common group, to name but Brit. Mus. Harl. 5598 1 a.d. 995; Add. 39602,
formerly Parham, Greek, 18 2 and Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, McLean
MS. 1. of the x or xi century. 3

Vellum, 12 x 8| in. (307 x 22 cm.) double columns of twelve lines.
plate 24 shews the whole of £ vi* 4 reduced to 8f x 6J in. (i.e. f) to shew the
general lay-out of the page and its handsome margins all round, plate 25
gives only the two columns of £ viii* and the margins on each side, but this is
absolutely full size.

Collation: a 8 (wants 1), g 8 — <T®, 5 ®, fl 8 , (4 wanting), I 8 —l'a 8 , fB 8 (wants

3 -^, 8 )> (IP—IB wanting), i 4 (wants 2 and 7, 3 and 5 not conjugate):
so out of nineteen quires = one hundred and fifty-three leaves we have
eighty-eight. The quires are of course put together with the flesh side outside:

' Pal. Soc. I 26, 27. 4 I quote any page not by its number among the

> e w „ , „ , leaves that chance has preserved, but by the signature

Sec Catalogue, by M. R. James, Cambridge, 1912. of its quire and its place therein.

BIG GREEK MINUSCULE, PEMBROKE COLLEGE

211

the ruling is with a hard point on the hair side. Each quire is numbered
with an uncial (except CL and * = 5 ) at the right-hand bottom corner of
the first page. .

The lines of writing hang from rulings 14 mm. apart; the top edge is
7 cm. from the ruling, the bottom edge 8 cm. from the writing, the outer
margin extends 5-5 cm. from the ruling, the inner margin 3 cm., each column
is 5-7 cm. wide, between them is 2-5 cm., so the two columns together make
the Schriftspiegel 15-5 x 13-8 cm. Immediately outside the Schriflspiegel on
the sides, and 2 cm. above and below it, there is a kind of ‘ Oxford frame
made of two rules 1 cm. apart. This would be a help in placing the big
capitals, the top-headings (see plate 24) and the quire numbers. There is
another vertical 2 cm. beyond this in the outer margin. There is nothing
really like this ruling in the Lakes’ ten volumes: 5 nearest come II 8 a (No.
308) and II 25 (No. 118) both xii cent. Gospels.

The edges of the leaves appear to have been stained red. There were
four strings to hold the quires together, not I think vellum bands as in our
MSS. Some red silk head- and tail-bands have been preserved. All is
enclosed in a leather wrapper which appears once to have covered boards :
it is marked by fillets parallel to the margins and by diagonals. How old is
this wrapper I do not know, nor whether it really belongs; a book of this
splendour must have once had a more worthy covering. _

The first leaf is missing, somebody must have ‘ secured ’ it, somebody like
Porphyriy Uspenskiy, who used to write ‘ Hie dust unum folium ’, when he
had made the gap himself. No doubt this leaf bore a splendid enrichment
perhaps like the many-coloured arched figure surmounted with a vase flanked
by peacocks still left in McClean 1 (the golden heading to the Easter Gospel
is fitted in under the arch), or that of the Gregory in the Biblioth^que National*
Paris 6 Another design would be a kind of rectangular carpet flanked with
stylised buds or leaves, the Easter heading being in a reserved panel or below
the carpet as in Harley 559 **, or the Ostromir Gospels.

On the first five pages the wnting for the Easter Gospels is in carmine,
and the marks indicating the inflexions of the reader’s voice are in. blue:
subsequently these marks are in carmine. The names of the days v m the
top margin) and the indications of the Evangelists are in gold as far as
Pentecost (€ i') inclusive, from the next Sunday (€ yi“ plate 24) m carmine
This reads kv P iokti a tcov Ayfcov ir&vrcov. The gold is gold pigment applied

ab °The C inks, both black and red, come out much too dark in the photographs:

* Dated Greek MinuseuU MSS. Bos.cn, Mas,. , 934 - •

1940.

212

ELLIS H. MINNS

in plate 25 1. i the first word xAripo looks uniformly black, but is really black
only in the terminal blobs or serifs, the p is quite a light brown, is it perhaps
sepia? The same applies to the carmine, which is quite unlike vermilion
or, of course, our red ink. The Lakes, Dated Gk. Minuscule MSS., Index Vol., §
‘ Decoration ’, make carmine a sign of Eastern work, especially Constantino-
politan. The vellum, now much stained by damp, must have been beautifully
white, especially on the flesh side.

In the margin opposite the beginning of each lection is an ornamental
letter 4 to 5 cm. high, a few merely in gold; mostly (as on plates 24 and 25)
a letter has its main lines, as it were its skeleton, in gold filled in with red,
pink, blue, green, and yellow: white or yellow touches upon the colours
suggest modelling rather like the high lights in icon-painting, whereas the
white lines that diversify colours in western miniatures are as it were flat,
just patterns. These big letters are seven €, one 4 -, one 0 and sixteen T :
the many € and T are due to the stereotyped formulae introducing each
lection: most common arc eIttev 6 xvpios and tco Katpco Ikeivco. 8

On X vii v there is a better T than that shewn on plate 25. In five cases
surviving an important date is emphasised by a cross-band, on plate 25 this
is a golden 9 twist, the other dates are S. Thomas, Presentation of Our
Lady, Christmas Eve and the First Sunday in Lent. The gold twist marks
the beginning of the Menology (see below), the rubric reads * Mqvl CTE-n-r£p{3pi'co
a'- dpxq Tfis 1 v 5 (ktou ko! pvriyr) toO 6<j(ov *rrcrrp6s f)ptov Ivhecov toO otvAItou-
evayy&iov too kot& Aovxav (iv. 16). The ordinary year began with September
and the lesson tells how Our Lord quoted Isaiah, Kripu^ai huaurov Kvpi'ov
Sexto v. 10

The main interest of the MS. is the magnificent minuscule hand, but
before dealing with this I think I ought to say something of the contents of
the book.

An Evangelistarium is the book of lections (Tur^crra, TrepiKOTtat) from
the Gospels arranged not as the four Evangelists wrote, but as the Greek
Church reads them in the course of the year. This implies two series, one
(often called owc^dpiov) for the movable days ultimately dependent on
Easter. Full Synaxaria give lections for all the weekdays, others only those
for Saturdays and Sundays, all Easter Week and a few special days. The

• In the matter of Lcctionaries and such like I Tact of the Gospels, Chicago, 1933.
received much help from Professor E. C. Ratcliff, ’ On the plates I have gone over the gold with
Canon of Ely, from Father George Every, S.S.M., white ink as it came out absolutely black in a photo-
the Reverend D. I. Chitty and Father Gcrvase graph. But even so the plates give a very poor idea
Mathew, O.P. The books are: Scrivener-Miller, of the real effect.

Introd. to Crit. of Jf.T.*, 1884; C. A. Gregory Canon 10 Sec the lovely picture from the Menologium
and Tact of the N.T., 1907, 364-390. and especially, Basilii, in Cavalieri-Lictzmann, 2t.

E. C. Colwall and D. W. Riddle, Study of the Uctionary

213

BIG GREEK MINUSCULE, PEMBROKE COLLEGE

other series, called ur)voA6yiov f is for the fixed days from i September to
31 August; the selection varies very much. The order of the various divisions
of the Synaxarion usually follows the year from Easter to Holy Week, and
then comes the Menology: we find this set out in Scrivener-Miller, I. 80, ux
James’s treatment of McLean 1, in Camb. Univ. L. Dd. viii 23. But I
have come to think that one should not class our MS. as an Evangelistarium,
but rather that the core of it is the Menology which extended from the end
of quire £ to the beginning of quire lk Prefixed to this in quires 0. to g
came Easter, Easter Week, Antipascha (Low Sunday), ii&ctottevttikoo'tt)
(Wednesday three and a half weeks after Easter), Ascension Day, Pentecost
and the Sunday after it called All SS. Sunday. How much came after the Men¬
ology we cannot say; we have but the first Saturday and Sunday in Lent and
then a jump to the Eve of Palm Sunday called the Saturday of Lazarus
beginning a very long gospel which must have taken up nearly all quiij
Probably our MS. only contained some or all of the lections for Hoy
Week services and entirely omitted the duller Sundays and the weekdays 0

If quires 0 . to £ were complete, about 161 ff., they would answer to 65 ff. of
McLean 1, that is about a quarter of the matter in that MS. allowing two
and a half of our pages to one page in McLean. As it is we have hardly
more than one-eighth. But the original 104 ff. of our Menology corresponds
very well to the 42 ff. that would result if its defective Menology were pro¬
portionately supplemented. The lections for Holy Week are of course very
long, and it is impossible to say how much of them was contained m our MS.
and to make some estimate of its original thickness. , . , • ,

The main interest of the book is in the magnificent minuscule hand in w hich
it is written. Comparing the size of hands is not

are taught that capitals are contained between two limiting parallel unc a
are mostly so, though a few letters, are ascenders or descenden but th t
regulate minuscules four parallels are needed, two, mner hmit^ the heigh
of the body of a normal letter, two outer to confine the: ends of ascende. and
descenders. Actually such regularity is not attained even m such a suff
and exact hand as that of Plato Clarkianus, a 6 seems taller than an h and
this than a 4>, so ax or » reaches down further than ay or a u.

In comparing size of minuscule we must put like beside hk^ the mo

"d of'our MS^w'e can ^neasure from

r itrm Sh the'lettMS

seem to be minuscule o, w , occasionally o and oo, but a Curly ’ lower

line limits the minuscules ouh.u and the bodies of «»W*. also the unei

214

ELLIS H. MINNS

forms AHJJ 7 T. So we get the interval between the inner parallels as 5 mm.,
the normal uncial forms €INCT arc just a little bigger, about 6 mm. I may
note that all the uncial forms except b. are used in the text and that K and
y have replaced the minuscule forms. On plate 25, which is of the exact
size, col. a, 11. 2, 5, 6, col. b, 11. 2, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 offer fairly continuous lower
parallels; plate 24 shews several in which the 5-mm. measure would come
out easily but for the reduction. This I take to be the true measure of the
script, and in comparing it with other minuscule scripts I use in them the
same elements. Outside these inner lines exaggerated uncial forms for
•f A^KT 0 C 4 >y jeach 10 mm.: minuscule ligatures containing t (ye, e§, ei), being
both ascenders and descenders, attain 15 or even 17 mm.; yet wild as some of
them look at first sight they are curiously consistent in size. But these we
can disregard and see whether we can find other MSS. with the parallels 5
mm. or more apart.

In all these years since I bought the MS. I have only found one comparable
MS. (but see Addendum). Naturally I do not count superscriptions, mono-
condylia and colophons. No other MS. passes 4 mm., and the difference
between 5 mm. and 4 mm. seems rather of kind than of degree. Looking
through the ten fascicules of the Lakes’ Dated Greek Minuscule MSS. I found
nothing to set beside it. No. 10, PI. 17-18, Jerusalem, Holy Cross 43,
a.d. 1122, has writing just under 5 mm. but it is only in colophons; No. 348,
Berlin 287, a.d. 1193, is just under 4 mm. Both are Gospel books. I could
find nothing in Sobolevskiy and Ts‘ereteli’s plates of MSS. at Moscow and
Petersburg nor in Graux’s MSS. Grecs de VEspagne. There is nothing in
Cambridge; as to Oxford I consulted Mr. Lobel of Queen’s; he in vain
asked Mr. T. W. Allen, who, I suppose, knew more of Greek MSS. than
any Englishman, and Professor Maas, who could name nothing really as
big at Berlin. Mr. Lobel pointed to a Lectionary in the Bodleian, MS. Rawl.
Auct. G. 2 (Coxe, Pt. i 706, Codd. Misc. 140), but apparently it does not
surpass 4 mm. Nor could Professor Francis Wormald or Mr. T. C. Skeat
at the British Museum find anything analogous. In answer to my questions
Monsieur Charles Astruc at the Biblioth£quc Nationale, Paris, and Monsignor
Robert Devreessc, Vice-Prefect of the Vatican Library, sent similar answers.
To all those helpers I return the warmest thanks for the interest they took
in my enquiries.

There is, of course, one famous example of very large minuscule, the
papyrus letter from a Byzantine Emperor to a Frankish published by
Montfaucon, Pal. Graeca , p. 266, and often since. The inner lines are 1 cm.
high, the writing 6 mm. apart, and the letters project ever so far into this
space. But this is a document, not a book and is not really comparable.

BIG GREEK MINUSCULE, PEMBROKE COLLEGE 215

The one analogue is what is described as an Evangelistarium in the Mediceo-
Laurentian Library at Florence, No. 244. 11

All I have to go on is one page as reproduced full size and in colour by
Silvestre. It has 119 leaves, measuring 13J x iof in. (32-5 x 26-8 cm.);
Schriftspiegel 20-5 x 18 cm. Two columns of ten lines. The lines of writing
hang from rulings (presumably, for they do not appear in the plate) 22 mm.
apart: the inner parallels are 6 or 7 mm. apart. Each line is 7-5 cm. long,
so the general dimensions are one and a half times those of MS. Pemb. It
is, of course, a much finer sight, e.g. all the lettering is in gold, also the
breathings, accents, and expression marks.

In the margin above the left-hand column is in uncials 11 mm. high
-rfi dryia Kvpiaxfi -rr|s TOnT|Ko<rnte much abbreviated. Below this a very
pretty strip-ornament 8 x 2*5 cm. on a gold ground: within a gold and
red tressurc the typical Byzantine flower-buds with their stalks curled round
them; colours, yellow, red, two blues, green and with white lines. Below
this toO Kcrra 'Icoccwtiv in more ornamental uncials, the T 3 cm. high.
Then begins the text; in the margin a great T 6 cm. and more high and 3-5 cm.
wide with a gold skeleton like our capitals and similar polychromy. Two
inscriptions at the end tell us, one, that the MS. was sent from Constantinople
and dedicated in the Church of Our Lady XpvaoK&|>cxAos at Trapczus by
Michael Callicrinites, Gentleman of the Imperial Bedchamber; the other,
that this was in the time of Andronicus Comnenus (1183-85) and of the
Metropolitan Barnabas (not otherwise known), and that the codex was
splendidly adorned with gold and silver by the Emperor’s Physician
etpcoTEUTfis X0T3S AouXou in the year 1331. This gives the date of writing
as before the late xii century but I am not quite happy about the dating.
Hodja Lula (or Lules) must have been of Musulman extraction: medicine
was at a higher level in Islam. The gold and silver adornment must
surely refer to the binding or box, not, as Silvestre seemed to think, to the
pictures on gold grounds. Of these there were originally five, St. John at the
beginning, Our Lord reading Isaiah before September 1, St. Matthew just
before Christmas, St. Mark before to <pura (Epiphany), St. Luke before
St. John the Baptist’s day. Dr. James supposes that McLean 1 had pictures
in similar places, as suggested by the gaps made when they were torn out.

In content as well as in appearance this book is singularly like ours: it
has most of the same feasts up to Pentecost and then a similar Menology,

edition, cd. F. Madden. London, 1850, I 212-214
has summarised Bandini much better than did
Silvestre. The plate occurs also in an album selected
from the great work, but where this was published
does not appear. Gregory and Scrivener-Miller
assign to the book the no. Evst. 117.

» See Aug. Mar. Bandini, Dibliolhtea LcopoUina-
Laurentiana III, Florentiae, 1793. col. 488-501, De
duobus Evangeliariis Graecis sub numero ccxlin et
eexliv dcscriptis.’ A page was reproduced in J. B. de
Silvestre, Paltographit Unictrulle, Paris, 1839-41. pi.
80: he wrongly calls the MS. No. 163; the English

ELLIS H. MINNS

216

but nothing after that. Like ours I would rather class it as a Menology than
really as an Evangelistarium. In ours the gold writing is present, but only
just, in the Florentine book it goes right through. Ours has no decorative
uncial, and, as far as we can judge, no pictures. The decorative initial
capitals seem similar. Our book is, as it were, a poor relation but really akin.

The later history of the Florentine book is quite curious. Prefixed to the
original is an elaborate Italianate picture and a long screed in contorted
Latin. These were inserted by a Graeculus esuriens Alexis Caeladonius, into
whose hands it fell in the early xvi century. He was a protege of
Bessarion and made Bishop of Melfi in the Basilicata in 1508. The picture
shews him presenting the book to Julius II, the letter gives reasons why he
should be translated from his poor see and made a Cardinal. He complains
that Senatus Ecclesiae Britannis et Panno nib us, Hispanis et Germanis et Gallis et
aliis exteris nationibus ne dicam barbaris patet, but not to Greeks. He laments
the disappearance of the splendid exterior and says he has replaced it as
well as he can afford. But Julius died in 1513 and Caeladonius, still Bishop
of Melfi, in 1517. Next it is found with another splendidly bound Evangelis¬
tarium in the Palazzo Publico at Florence; from here, stripped of their
bindings, both were transferred shortly before 1793 to become Nos. eexliii
and eexliv of the Leopoldina-Laurentiana as it was then called.

The general resemblance of Laur. 244 and Pemb. 310 makes me ascribe
the latter to Constantinople, and I have definite reason in one entry in its
text. The first entry in the Menology, that for September 1, has two parts.
The rubric of the former is shewn on plate 25: that of the latter, on the
following page, runs Iv 81 toT$ x a ^ KO7T ‘P crr£ ' 0 ‘S dvayivcooKrrai toOto Ik toO koto
Aovk&v (i. 39-45, 56, the account of the visitation of Our Lady to Elizabeth).
In C.U. Lib. Dd. viii. 25 (accepted as Constantinopolitan) on f. 173, under
September 1, stands yivETat SI xai f) avva^is 1% uTrepayfas ©eotokou !v toIs
XaAKOTrpaTEiois Cnrlp Miootivwv. This is a very special celebration. Father
Gervase Mathew,^ O.P., tells me that the XaXKo-rrpaTETa is the area close
to Haghia Sophia which gave its name to the church built by the
Empress Pulcheria and restored by Justinian II. It was later to house
the Virgin’s Girdle brought from Zela. There w-cre two feasts of the
Girdle, one of its deposition in the church in Chalcopratcia, celebrated on
August^ 31 by the whole Orthodox Church, and another ©eotokos tcov
MiaoTivcov on September 1, peculiar to Chalcoprateia, certainly a very local
affair. 12 On this question that great authority C. R. Gregory 13 says that
many MSS. have this entry, not only those written for Constantinople, but

” T*bm da N.T I. Leipzig, ,900, 365, 3*-

BIG GREEK MINUSCULE, PEMBROKE COLLEGE

217

also some copied from Constantinople MSS. as giving the normal model or
the easiest text to get, e.g. Evl. 384, 393, 396, 402, 412, 419 and 994, but
he says of every one of these, except the last, that it was written for Constanti¬
nople : which I think supports my view of the matter. The word Chalco-
prateia makes one think of Alexander the Coppersmith; perhaps his suc¬
cessors made crosses at Constantinople, when Diana was no longer so great

as to encourage the statuette trade. , .

I must not hide the fact that those great authorities His Eminence Cardinal
Mercati, Monsignor Devreesse, and Dr. Gianelli suggest that the MS. comes
from the Isles of the Archipelago. Monsignor Devreesse also writes, on
second thoughts, based not on my hand-copy but on a photograph, Ml
doute a mon avis que nous sommes devant une imitation ; le ductus , l affleuremen
(= overrunning) des letlres au dessous de la regime ne permettent pas de remonler
au-deld du XIU 1 siecle ’. I wonder if the same thing applies to Laur. 244;
the inscription that is supposed to give the date is of the t ' our ' eenlh ccnt « r y
and anything but clear. This would mean that these two MSS. were similar
attempts to attain the magnificence of the late Uncials, when that style o
writing had become extinct for texts, and that a copy of the great initial
capitals was produced good enough to make me wish to put the who > e *'"8
into the xi century. Quality alone can hardly decide place, when we
consider that such a splendid MS. as Ostrom.r s Gospel was produced in

dlSt As t to°hfmo d re recent home of our MS. we have no direct information:
the man who brought it to Britain died without telling its source to the firm
from which Mr. Barnard obtained it. But there is good reason to supjxne
that it came from some monastery in Palestine or perhaps Egypt. Proof
of this is afforded by three notes in the margin written in Arabic.

£ viii v . ^ %J M\ u^.’i

Al-Ahad al-sadis min al-Qiyana = The Sixth Sunday after the Resurrection.

I in*.

Al- l Ansara = Pentecost.

£ vi* (plate 24). ^

Al-Ahad al-awwal ba'd al-‘Ansara = The First Sunday after Pentecost.

I am most grateful to my old pupil and friend, Dn A. J. Arba^,
Thomas Adams’s Professor of Arabic, for this ^ Ar abic MSS.

me that the hand is similar to that found in S ^ a " S io n for

The odd thing is that the first note is wrong, it is opposite the lection

2 l8

ELLIS H. MINNS

Ascension Day, and there is no entry for the Sunday after, any more than
for the other Sundays between Low Sunday and Pentecost. The other
notes ar-c correct.

A desert monastery is suggested by the sand and dead insects I found in
the inner folds of the leaves, and it is hard not to think of Saint Sabas.

Perhaps a MS. so remarkable, so nearly unique, is scarcely in place in
MQQ 0f -° Ur Sma,Ier Co,,e g e Libraries: it is not as if, like half our Pembroke
MSS., it had been used by our predecessors before the Reformation, or, like
another hundred of them, were part of a block that came in from a neighbour-
mg monastery, in our case Bury St. Edmunds, soon after the dissolution
and has been treasured ever since. The individually interesting MSS. in a
College Library have mostly come in rather by chance, they would perhaps
be more accessible to students in one of the great collections, but in more
intimate ownership they may arouse the interest of young people who are
a little shy of the more imposing institutions. Charterhouse Library started
me on Latin Palaeography. Perhaps this may enlist for us the man who shall
succeed Montfaucon and Gardthauscn.

Ellis H. Minns

Addendum

After I had sent in my MS., I received from Dr. R. P. Casey New
Testament MS. Studies, ed. M. M. Parvis and A. P. Wikgren, Univ. of Chicago
Pr«s, 1950. In this, on pp. 150-74, is a study by Professor Kurt Weitzmann
of Princeton on ‘ Narrative and Liturgical Gospel Illustrations ’; ten plates
come from Athos, Dionysiou, 740, xi. c., evidently a MS. with minuscules
as big as ours. Professor Weitzmann has been good enough to give me full
particulars and send another photograph. The MS. measures 39-6 x 29-5
cm., with two columns 8-9 cm. wide and letters about 5 mm. high, much
the same as ours; his pi. xxi is about 1/1 and pi. xx. i enlarged, which makes
me doubtful. He adds that Dionysiou 740 is ‘ undoubtedly one of the most
beautiful Greek MSS. I ever had in my hands.’ I w^ell believe it, with its
many exquisite Gospel scenes, and a figure incorporated in each great capital.
But the text-writing seems to me to be just like ours. The MS. is not in the
catalogue by Lambros; in his time it was still, where it ought to be. on
the altar.

Professor Weitzmann also sent me a photograph of a MS. in Moscow
Historical Museum, Usp. 1163: page 30 x 22 cm., width of columns 7 cm.,
lines 2 cm. apart, height of letters apparently 7 mm. like the Florence MS.
No figure work, it would seem, but ‘ carpet ’ headings like the Harley Gospels.

So our MS. turns out to be not quite so remarkable as I thought.

A PROPOS OF A GREEK INSCRIPTION FROM
HERMOPOLIS MAGNA

In honour of Professor Alan Wacc, who has spent some fifty fruitful years
in Greco-Roman archaeology, I dedicate this paper. During that epoch his
efforts in this sphere have been widespread. He has unearthed many finds
and various archeological data of the utmost importance in Greece, particu¬
larly at Mycenae, and in Egypt both in Alexandria and Hermopolis Magna.
By his discoveries and contributions, which have been recognised as worthy of
highest esteem, he has shed much interesting light on various aspects of life
in the Graeco-Roman world. As an ex-colleague in the Faculty of Arts,
Farouk I University, I have been in close touch with him during the last
seven years and he has always shown himself to be an indispensable source of
information and a scholar of wide learning.

When I was asked to collaborate in this volume of the Annual of the British
School at Athens, I greatly welcomed the idea and felt the occasion could not
be better suited than by choosing for publication a stele that was recently trans¬
ported from the site of Hermopolis Magna, where it was discovered several
years ago by the German expedition. It seemed to me an adequate and
appropriate subject for a study to be presented on this occasion.

Hermopolis Magna, the provenance of this stele, was the capital of an
important and central district (nomc) where the worship of Hermes and other
dieties (Djihouti = Thoth — Mercury) was practised. 1 Its site in Upper
Egypt lies in the outskirts of Markaz Mallawi (Assiut). Owing to its geo¬
graphical position it was a central meeting place where various currents of
civilisation converged. It soon became a melting-pot of both Pharaonic and
Greek cultures and the lieu where were set up the temples for Greek as well as
Egyptian deities either in two strata one above the other or even side by side.
The visitor to the remains of the ancient site will be struck by this strange
aspect of so many scattered temples belonging to two civilisations and to so
different deities, yet clustering so closely together. Some of these temples
have been discovered during the last two decades and are still in a very good
state of preservation. Parts of these temples tower to a considerable height
with walls intact all round; some date from the epoch of Akhnaton, others
from Ramses II or from the reign of Nero or even later. There arc sacred
places of different deities, a gymnasium that used to be decorated with

1 H. Brugsch, La G/cgraphu des Homes, 1879, l.

220

ZAKI ALY

porticoes and inside which were found the Thermae of Hadrian, and also
what has always been supposed to be an agora with the main street leading
to it from east to west, 2 but is now proved to be a basilica with porticoes. All
these cover an extensive area of this ancient metropolis. The German ex¬
pedition unearthed quite a big area of this site and published its results in
successive reports submitted by Roeder and his colleagues. 3 These German
scholars co-operated to form by their contributions a descriptive study of
their finds, and appended to their work illustrations of the varied materials
which they came across during their successive seasons of digging.

The work of this expedition has been resumed since 1944 by the Archaeo¬
logical Department of the Faculty of Arts, Farouk I University. Thanks to
the concerted efforts of Professor Alan Wace and his colleagues: Professor
Abdcl-Monein Abou Bakr, an eminent Egyptologist, Professor Moharam
Kamal, keeper of the Cairo Museum, and the late Rizkalla Makramalla of
the Faculty of Arts, Farouk I University, a great deal of good work in actual
excavations has been done particularly where the basilica lies. The results
of their work, when duly published, will prove that finds of the utmost
importance were made. The ancient history of this site during the Pharaonic
and Graeco-Roman periods has much benefited by these discoveries.

Hermopolis maintained its importance during the Islamic era. Professor
Adolf Grohmann has shed some light on certain aspects of this metropolis:
its topographical divisions, its main streets, and its manufacturing and
mercantile life as depicted in the Arabic papyri. 4 He pointed out that it was
owing to its central position that its importance was preserved during the
second, third and fourth centuries of the Hegira (Moslim era). Its import¬
ance arose from its position as a frontier district, and its fame for some manu¬
factures and brisk commerce can be observed in the frequent references to it
in the Arabic papyri during the second and third centuries of the Hegira.

The present publication owes its origin to this site at which a small lime¬
stone stele lay for some time, forming part of the collection of finds made by
the German expedition. It was found in two broken pieces, rather mutilated
and badly damaged on the edges but fitting together perfectly when restored,
and thus revealing this fragmentary Greek inscription. The irregularity of
the shape of the stone in its present condition is due to the fact that it is

* Schmitz, ‘ Zur Topographic von Hermopolis * Vorldufiga Berichl iiber die deulsche Hermopolis -
Magna in den griechischen Urkunden ’ MilUUungcn fur Expedition: Roeder, Balcz, Bittcl, Hermann, Korlcn-
dg. Altertunukunde, Cairo, II (1932), 89; M6autis, Hermo- beutel, Stcckeweh, Werner, 1929-1935.
polis-La-Grande, 1918, 50. Mfautis devotes Chapter * Adolph Grohmann, ‘ Contributions to the Topo-
Two of his monograph to the topography of this metro- graphy of Al-Ashmunein from Arabic Papyri’,
polu with special reference to ancient authors, 42-55; Bulletin de I'hutitut d'£gypte, XXI, Session 1938-1939,
Moharam Kamal, Annales XLVI, ‘Excavations in the 211-214.
so-called “ Agora ” of Hermopolis289-295.

A GREEK INSCRIPTION FROM HERMOPOLIS MAGNA

221

Museum of the Faculty of Arts, Farouk I University, Alexandria Inv. No. 1304.

number 1304 in the ‘Journal d’cntree ’ of the Museum of the Faculty of Arts,
Farouk I University.

The inscription runs in two columns, the second of which is practically all
broken away, leaving at most only two letters at the beginning of the remaining
lines. The condition in which the stele was found makes the task of arriving
at the real object of its erection conjectural and even hazardous. One can
hardly discern how many columns there were originally on this stele, how long
each of them was, how many more names and titles figured thereon, and
whether there was some dedicatory or votive formula bearing some definite

badly damaged on the surface of three sides: top, bottom, and right. Only
the left edge is even. The measurements of the stone taken at various points
are: total length 36-5 cm., out of which 32-5 cm. retain the original surface;
height on the left edge 31-5 cm.; in the middle 16 cm. and on the right edge
9*5 cm.; the thickness is irregular and measures at the widest point 14 cm.
The average height of letters is 12 mm. It has been given the inventory

222

ZAKI ALY

clue to its correct dating. One is left with the bare minimum of information
and is reduced therefore to seeking inferences in the hope of constructing some
feasible hypothesis.

The formation of the letters gives the general impression that the text was
on the whole carefully written out. The system of lettering reveals a good
attempt at calligraphy on the part of the stone cutter who produced the
inscription. The alpha is throughout representative of the early type with a
V-shaped cross bar. The mu and nu are well written on the whole. The pi
(TT) shows some contrast with the later Ptolemaic or even Roman form (n),
where the second perpendicular stroke does not come down as low as in the
earlier Ptolemaic types.

The inscription reads as follows:

Column I. Column II.

A]ioxA[fjs
<Dav(as T[

KaAAiKp<frr[r)s
<t>dcov Nounn[v]foi/

5 ’AttoAAcovios [

a oai

TaypcrriKfi 'EpyoA ’AttA df
NiKdvcop ‘AttoAAcovi’ov
npcoTapyos Mi)vo8cbpou
’Apyalos Mew&ov
10 ’ArroAAc^dvris Mew£oi/

MdauAAos MaovAAoy
’ApSoxcos ’AttoAAcov[(ovJ
’Eirtnaxos ’AuoAAw[v(ou]

’Avovaicov MaavA[Aou]

15 TTroAsiiaTofs] Ap]

Noupi'iviofs

'ATToAA68[copos or otos

Textual Notes.

Column I.

Line i. The lambda of Diokles is fairly certain.

Line 2. After Phanias there is just the lower part of a stroke which might be taken
for a tau or some other letter beginning his father’s name.

Line 3. Kallikratcs has the upper part of the tau chipped off as a result of the break at
the upper edge.

Line 4. Noumenios, the father of Phaon, is a sure restoration. Apart from the second
v which was effaced without any trace left, the last three letters «ov
denoting the genitive form can be identified by their lower ends which are
visible.

DyupeO

HP[

HP[
5 AB[

A GREEK INSCRIPTION FROM HERMOPOLIS MAGNA

223

Line 6.

Line ra.

Line 13.
Line 15.

Line 17.
Column II.

In this line, which bears a title introducing a group of army men enrolled as
ol Tcryii<xnKo(, the stonecutter found some difficulty in spacing out his
letters. He realised that he had no room, and therefore resorted to the
device of abbreviating the name Hermolaos and the father’s name Apol-
lonios. When he came to the last word at the end of this line, he was faced
with the same difficulty of lack of space, and could not produce his usual
full-size letters, properly spaced. He resorted to the expedient of com¬
pleting the word dpx>tptvs by superimposing the last letter (<r) on the
upsilon.

The name ’Apsixcos is quite readable, except that the kappa is partly
effaced owing to the fact that it happens to come where the line of the
break runs.

In the name ’Eulpoxos the chi is slightly defaced on account of the break
in the stone.

After Ptolcmaios there are just the top parts of two letters which might be
taken for Ap. It would be mere wild guessing to attempt to divine what
this name was. Several names beginning with Ap might be suggested,
such as Apdxcov, ApoOoos, Apir-cov, ApAprros, ApopdpTjs or some such compounds.

The name is probably AttoXA 65 o 7 os or AiroXX66«po$. The delta is fairly certain
though only the top part of it remains. This name was probably followed
by its patronymic.

Line 1. Hardly anything; remains except a very doubtful omega of which the top part
is broken. There is just the possibility of one letter before the omega.

Line 2. After the eta the surface of the stone is chipped off, leaving traces of the bottom
part of the second letter which might be a kappa or a rho.

Line 3. After Hp there is just the stroke of the alpha, and one might restore some such
name as 'HpaxXd5r|s.

Line 5. The second letter after the alpha, which is fairly certain, is beta.

Commentary.

The striking feature about this inscription is that it contains a great
variety of Greek personal names, some of which are merely grecised such as
Abdokos. The great majority of the names are good Greek names of the
classical period such as Diokles, Phanias, Kallikrates, Apollonios, Hermolaos,
Nikanor, Protarchos, Mcnodoros, Argaios, Apollophanes, Ptolcmaios, and
Herakleides (?). The occurrence of such a group of names, where the over¬
whelming majority are Greeks stationed in the midst of Upper Egypt, is
indicative of an early time in the Greek occupation of Egypt, when Greeks
from various corners of the eastern Mediterranean flocked to the country.
This aspect can be taken as a guide by which one can be helped in determin¬
ing the date of this inscription. For this reason, coupled with epigraphical
evidence concerning the formation of the individual letters and with other
factors based on the analogy of similar inscriptions, one may be justified in
advancing a rather tentative supposition that it may belong to the latter part
of the third century or some time in the second century b.c. I do not profess
to have any conclusive evidence, but I am guided merely by the epigraphical
indications, coupled with the analogy of other texts.

224

ZAKI ALY

Among the names that appear in this inscription there are some that are
worthy of consideration. A certain Phaon, son of Noumenios, occurs in
line 4. - This is quite a rare name and is given in Preisigke, Namenbuch , only
once, where he figures in P. Oxy. Ill, no. 478, 13, 20, 21, dating from the
second century a.d. This particular document reveals an instance where
the process of selection of boys known as Mcpims is regulated. A certain
freedwoman of Oxyrhynchos writes declaring that her son called Ptollis, son
of Phaon son of Ptollis, was registered in part of the Square of Thoeris. She
asks that since her son has reached the age of thirteen he may be placed on
the list of privileged persons who pay a poll-tax at a reduced rate amounting
to twelve drachmas only. She supports her claim on the grounds of having
parents on both sides who were residents in a metropolis. In addition to
this single instance where Phaon is mentioned, our inscription gives another
example of a certain Phaon son of Noumenios. It is a great pity that we
cannot decide anything about his status or his occupation among this group.
Probably he figured, with the other names from lines 1-5, under one heading,
now unfortunately broken away, detailing their station, or denomination.

We are more fortunate about the name Hermolaos, son of Apollonios, in
line 6. He is styled dpx ,£ P^S or high priest—an office of some standing in
the hierarchy of officials. Hermolaos is rather a common name. It occurs
in P . Petrie III, 100 b II, 7 (third century) among landowners and cultivators.
The name occurs also in the Zenon Papyri 5 where Hermolaos was being
informed by a certain Athenagoras about the presence of King Ptolemy
Philadelphos. Hermolaos on another occasion was acting oikonomos of the
Aphroditopolitc nome and was supposed to act on instructions received by
Diotimos the hypodioketes in connection with a petition submitted to the
latter. 6 Another Hermolaos figures in an account for corn from the Hermo-
polite nome. 7 In another instance a certain Hermolaos is the son of Triballos 8
son of Ploutarchos. Again Hermolaos occurs in P. Lond. Ill, no. 1159, line
27, p. 112. The priestly office which he occupies in our present instance
identifies him further and indicates that he was a person of some quality. He
stands in contrast to other high priests who combined in their persons in
addition more than one secular office. P. Merton no. 11, 2, dating from
a.d. 39-40, reveals a case where a certain Gaius Julius Asclas was acting high
priest of the emperor Gaius as well as exegetes and slrategos at the same time.
His priesdy office did not prevent him receiving a petition in his capacity as
slrategos of the Themistes division of the Fayum. This same person is found
elsewhere combining in his person the three offices: high priest, exegetes ,

‘ PSI no. 353, line 2, dating 254-3 B -C.

• P. Zenon, Edgar, Annales XIX, no. 38, 5 (third
century b.c.).

A GREEK INSCRIPTION FROM HF.RMOPOLIS MAGNA

225

and strategos . 9 Our Hermolaos, son of Apollonios, is singled out among all
other names in this inscription by his high priestly office, and he appears,
moreover, in a title line, after a word indicating the nature of the work of
these persons and their commitments as infantry men in the army.

Nikanor is another name which deserves some comment. He appears in
line 7 of this inscription with Apollonios as his father. He is a typical Mace¬
donian by name. Macedonian as he is, his presence among such a group of
Greeks, who were stationed so far up in the Nile Valley, would not be a very
common occurrence. A namesake at a much earlier date, i.e. 300-271 b.c.,
occurs in a papyrus text where he is expressly styled Macedonian (MokeSuv),
and is implicated in a judicial summons. 10 Our Nikanor son of Apollonios
could not be identified with any of his namesakes who occur in various
instances. 11 P. Magdola no. 28, verso II, dated in the fourth year of Ptolemy
Philopator, gives a petition submitted by a woman called Hedistc who is the
wife of a certain Nikanor. She is expressly styled Macedonian (Mok£tcx ). 12

Heichelheim includes the name Nikanor in a list of Macedonians who were
counted in Ptolemaic Egypt among the foreign elements of the population
and formed an upper stratum or rather the elite of all the foreigners. 13

The name Argaios in line 9 of our inscription reveals the origin of its
bearer. He must have belonged originally to Argos in Greece proper or
have been descended from some Argivc parentage. 14 He is the son of Mcnneas.

Perhaps the most interesting name of all is ’ApSoxcos, son of Apollonios,
who'occurs in line 12. He is mentioned in the published texts only twice
before. He occurs in an inscription of the same provenience, i.e. Hermo-
polis Magna. Preisigkc, Namenbuch , quotes this single instance and supple¬
ments it byincluding this name in an appendix compiled by Professor Littmann
from among the Aramaic names, as well as other names, compounded with the
Edomitic Qos, equating it to 'Abd-Qns i.e. slave or servant of the bow,
which is the symbol of the weather or moon-god. 15 H. Wuthnow refers to

• P. Ryl. 149. The plurality of office and the natural
sequence places the slrategos at the top of the three
offices indicated above, then the txtgtlu _ followed
by the high priest, and groups lecubir and priestly
functions in one person. In P. Amh. 124 the high
priest of the Augusti (Zt^xorQv) is equated with the
txtgtlu whereas the high priest of the individual
emperors or empresses is classed with the agoranomos.

1* P Hib. 30, line 3.

» P. Lord. Ill, no. 6o^col. II,_line 59; P. Lord. II,

no. 192; P. Oxy. I, 97, VI, 929. VIII, 1153 and XII,

>» Lesquier, P. Magdola, no. 27, line 1: 'HBIimi
NiKivopos Maxim. i.e. Hediste, wife of Nikanor, Mace¬
donian. Lesquier in his note takes Moira to be the
feminine form of MoiBcov and refers to Mayser, Oram-
matik, Bd. I, Teil III, 23, line 48.

■» Heichelheim, Die euswdrtige Beiolkerung im
Plolemaerreiek, 95.

The name Argaios occurs in P. Hib., P. Peine III
and P. Ixxd. Ill, 117“. col. 9, line 310. But in none
of the instances quoted in these collections can he be
identified with our Argaios son of Menneas.

“ Preisigke, A'amenbueh, Anhang 3, col. 517;
Preisigkc, Sammelbuck I. 4206, col. I, line 50 (date
80-69 b.c. or even later according to Griffith. Mer¬
cenaries of the Hellenistic World . 132;. This particular
Abdokos figures in three long lists arranged in three
columns, all of settlers in Hcrmonolis, who chose to
set up an altar. He is the son of a certain Achaios.
conjectured to be a transliteration of the Semitic word
Ach meaning * brother ’ in Greek script with a Greek
ending. This inference is supported by M. Lidzhar-
ski, Ephemeris fur semilische Ef/igrcphik. II 338. . 4 .°
where he takes Achaios as derived from the Semitic
word Ach and takes Alxlokos to correspond to the two
forms 'Abd and QSs.

226

ZAKI ALY

the name Abdokds which exactly corresponds to the form meaning in Arabic
’Abd-Qos. 1 *

The second instance where the same name occurs is in a Lihyanite in¬
scription published by Jaussen-Savignac. 17 This comes from the Lihyanite
Kingdom which is known to have flourished between the third and second
centuries b.c. in northern Hejaz. Names composed of Qos ( Quas) are
commonly considered to be Edomite 18 according to the opinion of Th. Noldeke
Baethgen, J. Wellhausen, and others, apparently in connection with a statement
in Josephus, Antiquities X. But it is to be noticed that the Edomite god
Ko S e19 and Kouoei 20 in the Greek version of the Old Testament hardly corre¬
sponds to Qos , and that the equation Qos = Qais 21 is very precarious. Names
compounded with Qos-Qais occur in Lihyanite inscriptions of el-'Ola in
Northern Arabia 22 as well as in Assyrian inscripdons. 23 It is striking that such
names frequently occur also in the Greek inscription found in Mit-Rahine
in the Memphite nome. 24 These name? were exhaustively treated by M.
Lidzbarski 25 and identified with their Semitic equivalents. The Lihyanite
inscription found in el-‘Ola dates from about the third-second or even
fourth-second centuries b.c., 26 and it is highly probable that the persons
bearing the names compounded with Qps and living in Egypt originally
came from, or at least were related to, Northern Arabia, which was con¬
nected with Egypt by a side-branch of the well-known incense-road. Thus
we have in Abdokos a rare name which has occurred only twice so far in the
published texts: (i) on a dedicatory stele from Hermopolis Magna published
by Jouguet, Milne, and Preisigke, 27 and (2) in the above-mentioned Lihyanite
inscription.

The present inscription furnishes a third instance, where Abdokos is the
son of Apollonios. It is noteworthy that his father’s name represents another
‘theophcric’ attribute of the god Apollo, once conjectured to be the Sun God.
The occurrence of this Abdokos, son of a Greek father, among such a homo¬
geneous group of purely Greek or Grecised names raises more than one

14 Heinz Wuthnow, Die semilischen Menschenramen
in griechisehen Inschriften und Papyri d/s vorderen Orients,
Leipzig, 1930, 8, where he quotes M. Lidzbarski,
Ephemeris fur s/m. Epipaphik , 338.

11 Mission Archdologujue tn Arabie II, Paris 1914, 528,
no. 363; f/J. Ryckmans, La rams propres sud-slmiUques
I, Loven, 1934, 268.

14 M. Lidzbarski, Epk/meris fur semitische Epigraphik
339 : J- Wellhausen. Rest/ arabischen Heidentums,
2nd edition, Berlin 1897, 67; Jaussen-Savignac,
op. at. 520.

14 CL Z&MG 1887, 714, note 1.

10 Brown-Driver-Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon
of the Old Testament, 1907. 881.

,l J. Wellhausen, op. eit., 67; Jaussen-Savignac,
cp. at., 520, 630.

44 For example Qaus-Malik = ' Qaus is king ’;

Qaus-ban — ‘ Qaus is pious ’ in Jaussen-Savignac,
op. at., nos. 331, 33a. Other compounds with Qaus
occur: Akam-Qaus, Adab-Qaus, ibid., nos. 265, X43.
Mali Wcllhauscn ’ op ' ciL> 6 7 > Qpus-Gabar, Qaus-

44 G. Milne, Catalogue Generaldes Antiquit/s Egyptiennes
du Music du Cane, Greek Inscriptions, 3<j.

44 M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris II 339 f.

„ ** 369; W. F. Albright, Bulletin of the American

School of Oriental Research no. 119, 11, note 31.

. ” Jouguet, BCH XX 177 ff.; Milne. Greek Inscrip -
ton, no. 9296 and 25-27; Preisigke, Sammelbuch, no.
4206; Gnfiith, Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World, 132,
note 4, where he takes the people mentioned on this
stele to have been engaged on some garrison duty in
Hermopolis.

A GREEK INSCRIPTION FROM HERMOPOLIS MAGNA

227

question which calls for an answer. His true identity and mixed parentage,
his presence and role in such a group of Greeks engaged on some military
task either within Hermopolis Magna or in its environs, and finally, the
real purpose of the formation of such a group all are questions that need
some answer.

Perhaps the real object of this inscription can be divined from the intro¬
ductory phrase in line 6 where it has been clearly revealed that the group of
names subscribed belonged to some sort of military contingent (t 6 -rdyya) 28
employed as infantry. This conglomeration of men engaged on some
military task would come within a class of infantry serving everywhere as
oi TcryucrriKoi, probably on garrison duties. 29

An additional clue to the understanding of the real object of this formation
may be furnished by the last word of line 6 where the word dpxispevs
characterises Hermolaos son of Apollonios. The fact that a man functioning
as high priest was needed, and that he figured by himself apart from others,
indicates that he must have been a person of some importance. It also em¬
phasises the fact that the ritual followed on occasional meetings of these groups
included offerings and religious performances, which necessitated the presence
of a sacerdotal official to take charge of them. This leads to the tentative
assumption that such a group of men, belonging to some legionary detach¬
ment, may have formed in the meantime the lay members of a guild of some
kind or rather an association (fi ctvvoSos or to koivov). 80 They would be bent
on performing a certain worship or indulging in a cult, very likely a royal
one, since their meeting necessitated the existence of a high priest instead of
one of a lower order.

There is a cult association of Apollo in Hermopolis Magna, where a
temple with all its appurtenances was dedicated to Apollo. 31 It seems that
the worshippers in this cult, all of whom were most likely Greeks, were in the
habit of singing hymns which were considered repugnant to Egyptian
custom. As a result of this whimsical notion, a case was put forward calling
on the State to interfere in order to suppress the worship and disband the
associates. The State always had the supreme right to confiscate the property
and to dissolve any association whose members were suspected of infringing
the common laws or indulging in illegalities, because such behaviour might
be taken to be detrimental to the State.

The tendency to form clubs and associations of all kinds and for all objects
was prevalent in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt. It was more or less inherent

• ** Lesquier, Institutions Militaires, 92-93.

** Ibid., 93 and ,01 - . . . . . f

*° -r6 koiv 6 v was a common title ot an association 01
fellow farmers (ovy>Topyoi) whose assembly might

equally be termed ovroSos. See Sammelbuch, no.

~**' P?Giss. Q9, dated 80-70 b.c. ; Taubcnschlag, The
Law of Greec-Roman Egypt, II, chapter II, 65-74.

228

ZAKI ALY

alike among Egyptians and Greeks who were domiciled in Egypt, and this
gave rise to a great variety of guild life. San-Nicolo has compiled an extensive
study on this topic and has particularly emphasised the judicial status of these
associations, their competence, their reciprocal nature and the contractual
element in their regulations, together with the obligations of members to
these institutions as well as to themselves, and finally the extent of their
autonomy vis-a-vis the State. 32 Rostovtzeff has made a rather rapid survey
of this aspect of Hellenistic Egypt and has pointed out that it was widespread
and bound up with the life of the inhabitants. 33 Some of these associations
were formed for definite professional or occupational purposes, such as those
of farmers, salt merchants, athletes, bankers; others were religious or cultural
with a convivial or festive object in view. Some of these secular organisations
were formed of members of a low social order, as can be gleaned from the
evidence furnished by the records of a village club presumably at Philadelphia
in the Fayum. 34 The common feature in the regulations of these organisations
was the wish to achieve mutual benefit and indulge in periodical festivities
preceded by performance of sacrifice. Boak has published some interesting
texts from Tebtunis, dealing with the ordinances of secular guilds of various
denominations in Roman Egypt. 35 He has shown how these synods or koina
were organised and how the obligations of members towards one another and
towards their presidents (Trpoo-rcnris, hriuEXTyn^s or KE^aXcnco-riis) 36 were strict,
but of a reciprocal nature, even to the extent of being philanthropic at times. 37
It is this reciprocal working of the regulations which impresses one as an
integral feature of these bodies, which appear in some measure to come into
existence as voluntary associations organised on a yearly basis, renewable
by the mutual consent of the members. 38

A papyrus text which was assigned 39 to the reign of Ptolemy Auletes has
revealed a copy of the regulations for an association of Zeus the Highest
(Hypsistos). The students of this text have shed a penetrating light on the
whole question of associations, their different forms in Graeco-Roman Egypt,
their formation and term of duration, their status, their prototypes and

11 M. San-Nicolo, ‘ Zur Vereinsgerichtsbarkeit im
hcllenistischen Agypten Epitymbion Swoboda, 1927,

RostovtzclT, Social and Economic History of the
Hellenistic World, II, 732-733; W. L. Westermann,
‘ Entertainment in villages of Graeco-Roman Egypt ’,
JEA XVIII (1932), 25.

s * Edgar, 1 Records of a Village Club Raccolta
Lumbroso, Aegyptus, Scrie Scientifica III, 369-376.

** Boak, P. Mich. V, Papyri from Tebtunis II, nos. 243,
244 and 2^5.

** M. Norsa, ‘Elczione del w^aXcnwrt’is di una cor-
porazione ’, Annali della R. Scuola jVormale di Pisa, 1937,
1-7 {Archie. XIII (1938), 148) and Papyri Greci delle
collezioni Italians, fasc. Ill, 1946, 36-37 = PSI no.

126s. This is a case of an association (koinon) pro¬
bably of bankers where members resorted to charging
their president with the task of collecting the xpvoap-
yvpiov on their behalf (date a . d . 426 or 441).

17 O. Gueraud, ‘ D^crct d'une Association en
I’honneur de son President ’, Bulletin Soc. Roy. d’Arch.
Alex. X" (1939), 21-40. The members of this par¬
ticular association or synod were expressly designated
by the words yroOxot and ovyyrwpy®!, pertaining to
a village and grouped to defend their interests rather
than establish a collective responsibility towards the
State.

a * R. Taubenschlag, Law of Greco-Roman Egypt II, 67.

” C. Roberts, T. Skcat and A. D. Nock, Harvard
Theological Review XXIX (1936), 39-88.

A GREEK INSCRIPTION FROM HERMOPOLIS MAGNA 229

parallels, and their reciprocal obligations. This extensive comparative
study has shown how sacrificial ceremonies were a common feature in these
Graeco-Roman associations, practised in their meeting-places whether in
temple quarters or in their vicinity. Some special accommodation must
have been provided for this purpose. In their ceremonial meetings they
would call upon some member to act as priest (Uponoi6s), or find by some
means an ordained priest among the members to undertake the charge of
making sacrifices and pouring libations. On greater occasions and in more
ceremonial circumstances, especially if the occasion were a royal one, a high
priest (apyiEpEvs) would probably function. It would come under the com¬
petence of this high priest to make the necessary arrangements and take
the preliminary steps for any religious procedure required. There would be
no difficulty in choosing a place for their rites and the following of their
activities. The military quarters in which these (oi TcryucrriKol) were stationed
would presumably afford some spacious room for their pursuits.

The records of a festive club, whose members were recruited from the
menial classes in a modest village in the Fay urn, bear testimony to the fact
that there needed to be an acting priest (Upo-noios) from among these poorer
lay members to take charge of sacrificial offerings made at their banquets,
though his role was merely ceremonial. 40 Moreover, the periodical meetings
of these comrades were held in such places as the harness-rooms at the stable
or even in the granary. It seems that wine and various amusements such as
music and dancing were among the popular items in vogue on such occasions.
Wcstermann dealt in extenso with this aspect and pointed out that Egyptians
in the Graeco-Roman period were very much addicted to musical entertain¬
ments on periodic occasions. Companies residing in the metropolis went on
tour and were employed to perform their art in various villages. 41 Pre¬
sumably the members of these festive clubs had to choose their president,
be he an Sm^TTis or npoo-nfm^ or one bearing some such title, in return
for which he would enjoy certain privileges and be endowed with certain

exemptions. . ,

Perhaps one might seek some resemblance between the list of names with
their patronymics inscribed on this Hermopolis stele under one generic heading
of enrolled men, and a list of names which are mostly Egyptian, followed by
some regulations for a religious association, occurring on a papyrus text from
the Fayum. 42 In both cases it is merely a question of proper names set down
with their patronymics and arranged in groups and columns. In the Fayum

*• Edgar, ‘ Records of a ViUage Club \ Raccolla
Lumbnso, 1925, 369-376, fragment V.

41 Wcstermann, ‘ Entertainment in the villages ot
Graeco-Roman Egypt JEA XVIII (1932), 16-27.

•' P. Jouguet, Acadimie des Inseriptians el Belles-
Lettres, Compies Rendus, 1902, 3 SO— 35 1 . 81,(1 PrcuigVe,
Sammelbueh, 5627.

230

ZAKI ALY

instance, however, they were mostly Egyptians and their object was explicitly
revealed in some passages as one of a religious association in which members
were very likely grouped for the worship of Suchos. Some rules and regula¬
tions which bind these members and control their behaviour are set out on
the verso , col. II. One would have expected to find in such contexts a priest
or even a high priest charged with rather more definite duties. The presence
of such officials can always be accounted for. Perhaps one can argue by
mere analogy that our Hermolaos son of Apollonios, who was definitely styled
high priest on a title line, reveals the existence of a similar function for a
military group of men, bound by some such ties and bent on some sacrificial
offerings, made occasionally as expression of their devotion to some cult, most
likely a royal one of the reigning king.

A close parallel may be found in a Ptolemaic votive stele from Mit-rahineh
in the Memphite nome, bearing lists of names arranged in four columns. 43
It is preceded by a preamble which is rather fragmentary but yet makes
clear the purposes for which the stele was set up. It stipulates the number
of one hundred and seventy persons whose names are indicated beneath and
who were connected somehow with a temple or a precinct of Apollo and Zeus
and were all grouped in a cult association (to koivov) for the worship of these
deities. The remarkable feature about this votive stele is that it bears names
which are mostly Greek. Several other names are compounds of the Semitic
word Qos with other Semitic suffixes such as:

KoadSctpos (column I, 8, 25, 26, 35; column II, 29) = Qjh-‘adar = ‘Qos
arranges (nicely) ’.

Koofktvos (column I, 39): Qos-bana = ‘ Qos has created \

Kdapauos (column II, 9): Qos-ram = ‘ Qos is sublime’.

KoaudAaxos (column I, 43; column II, 19; column III, 18): Qos-
Malek =‘ Qos is king’.

Koovdravos (column I, 9): Qos-nalam = ‘ Qos has given

K°[a]yfjpo5 (column III, 32): Qos-ger = ‘ Qos is protector ’ (?).

In this votive stele and its names one may be tempted to find a certain
similarity to our Hermopolis inscription.

It would appear, then, from this comparative study that we have in this
text a fragment of a stele bearing certain proper names of men enlisted in
detachments'of the Ptolemaic army, and employed on garrison duties in the
upper part of the Nile valley, in central strategical positions such as Hermo¬
polis Magna. A number of them were entered within one class of the army
serving as infantry, whereas for the others figuring above them on the stone,

** Milne, Grttk Inscriptions, no. 9283, pp. 35-37, dating from the first half of the second century b.c.

A GREEK INSCRIPTION FROM HERMOPOLIS MAGNA 231

any heading which might originally have identified them as a class and thrown
further light on the nature of this inscription has now vanished.

Although the conclusions to be drawn from this inscription are of necessity
only tentative, yet it seems to me that it furnishes interesting evidence con¬
cerning the dispersion of Greek elements in more or less exclusive groups
among the population of Egypt, and their communal activities.

Zaki Aly

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A. ARCHAEOLOGY.

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LA A A I (1908), 118 ff. ‘ Early Civilisation in Northern Greece.’
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1909. LAAA II (1909), 149 f. ‘Early Civilisation in North Greece: Pre¬

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1910. BSA XVI (1909-10), 72 ff ‘ Early Pottery from Geraki (Laconia).’
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1912. Prehistoric Thessaly: being some account of recent excavations in North¬

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1914. BSA XX (1913-14), 123 ff. ‘ The Mounds of Macedonia.’

1916. In Companion to Greek Studies , cd. 3, Cambridge, 1916.

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233

BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950

1918. BSA XXII (1916-17, 1917-18), 175 ff. ‘ The Prc-Mycenacan Pottery
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1921. BSA XXIV (1919-20), 185 ff. ‘Mycenae.’

Para. 1. ‘ The Campaign of 1920.’

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Para. 4. * The Rhyton Well.’

1923. CAH I, Ch. IV, sec. IV, 173 ff. ‘ Prehistoric Greece.’

Ch. XVII, 589 ff. ‘ Early Aegean Civilisation.’

BSA XXV (1921—2, 1922-3), ‘ Report of the Excavations at Mycenae.’
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ILN CLXII, 524 ff. ‘Mycenae in Tutankhamen’s time: British
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1924. CAH II, Ch. XVI, 431 ff. ‘ Crete and Mycenae.’

1926. JHS XLVI (1926), iioff. ‘The date of the Treasury of Atrcus.’
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ILN CLXIX, 490 f. ‘The Beehive Tomb of the “King” and
“ Queen ” at Dendra.’

Discovery VII (1926), 267 ff ‘ Schliemann and Mycenae, 1876-1926.

1927. A Cretan Statuette in the Fitztvilliam Museum. A Study in Minoan Costume.

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1928. ILN CLXXII, 1036 ff. ‘ New Light on Homeric Greece: Dendra

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1929. EB ‘ Aegean Civilisation ’ (in part).

* Mycenae.’ ,

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1031 In A. W. Persson, The Royal Tombs at Dendra near Mxdea (Lund),
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VI, 6, 668-9. ‘ Prehistoric Dress; Homeric Dress.’

VIII, 8. ‘ House and Furniture.’

234

BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950

1931- Introduction (xvii ff.) to Vol. II of Sir William Ridgeway, The Early
Age of Greece. Cambridge, 1931.

J 933 - ArchaeolaogiaLXXX.il. Chamber Tombs at Mycenae. London.

1934. Eurasia Septentrionalis Antiqua IX (1934), 123 ff. ‘Thessaly and
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1936. Antiquity X, 405 ff. ‘ Mycenae.’

ILN CLXXXVIII, 276 ff. ‘A new Mycenaean Beehive Tomb.
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x 937 - BSA XXXVIII (1936-7), 259 ff. ‘Jericho Tomb 13.’

1938. Proc. Camb. Phil. Soc. CLXIX-CLXXI (1938) (reprinted from the Cam¬
bridge University Reporter for 23 March 1938). ‘ The Determination
of Greek Trade in the Bronze Age.’ (With C. W. Blegen;
summary only).

I 939 - JHS LIX (1939), 210 ff. ‘ Mycenae 1939.’

Klio XXXII (1939), 131 ff. ‘ Pottery as Evidence for Trade and
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ILN CXCV, 903 ff., 916. ‘New Light on Pre-Homeric Mycenae.
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ILN CXCV, 942 f. ‘ “ Treasury of Atreus ” Discoveries. The
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B.C.’

1940. Antiquity XIV, 233 ff. ‘ The Treasury of Atreus.’

’Apyelov toO QpoKiKoO Aaoypa<piKoO Kcri rAcoacnKoO ©T)ocxOpou (’EirfuETpov IT'
Topou. ’Em-ruppiov Xpncrrov TaoOvTa), 345 ff. ‘ Middle and Late

Helladic Pottery.’

1941. University of Pennsylvania Bicentenary Conference. Studies in Civilisation.

‘ The Mycenaean Civilisation.’

1943. Dull, of the Faculty of Arts , Farouk I University , Alexandria, I (1042)

1 ff. ‘ The Beginning of Greece.’

BuU. of the Faculty of Arts , Farouk I University , Alexandria, I (1043),

6 ff. ‘ Obsidian and Ivory.’

1945. EB, new ed., Chicago 1945. ‘ Aegean Civilisation ’ (in part).

.946. BCH LXX (,946), 628 ff. 'The Prehistoric Exploration of the
Greek Mainland.’

J 94 8 - AJA LII, 51 ff. ‘ Weaving or Embroidery? ’

x 949 - Mycenae : an Archaeological History and Guide . Princeton.

Hesperia Suppl. VIII ( Commemorative Studies in Honor of Theodore
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In The Oxford Classical Dictionary. Oxford, 1949. ‘ Cnossus ’

‘ Minoan ‘ Mycenae ’, ‘ Phaestus ’, ‘ Tiryns ’, ‘ Troy

BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950 235

1950. BSA XLV (1950), 203 ff. ‘Excavations at Mycenae, 1939 - Intro "
duction, and I. The Prehistoric Cemetery.’

ILN CCVII, 1041 ff. ‘ Exploring the City of Agamemnon. Tins
Year’s Excavations at Mycenae.’

Book Reviews.

H. R. Hall. Aegean Archaeology. Burlington Magazine XXVII (i 9 ! 5 )> 8o *

G. Glotz. La Civilisation Egeenne. JHS XLIV (1924), 137 ff.

E. T. Forsdykc. Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases in the British Museum,

I, 1. Prehistoric Aegean Pottery. AJA XXXIII (1926), 201 f.

O. Frodin and A. W. Persson. Rapport prelminaire sur les fouilles d Asine,

1922-4. CR XL (1926), 213.

Edward Bell. Prehistoric Architecture in the Aegean. Ibid., 214.

J. Penrose Harland. Prehistoric Aegina. C£ XLI (1927), H 7 -

Essays in Aegean Archaeology presented to Sir Arthur Evans, edited by S. Casson.

H. Frankfort/ Asia, Europe and the Aegean and their Earliest Inter-relations.
Studies in Early Pottery of the Near East, II. Antiquity II (1928), 238.

M. P. Nilsson. The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and its Survival in G t

Religion. Ibid., 370 ff.

A. J. Evans. The Palace of Minos at Knossos, V ol. II, parts 1-11.

at Olynthus, I. The Neolithic Settlement.

CR XLIV (1930), 7 ° f- v -,. ,

H J Bossert. Geschichte des Kunslgewerbes alter Z eiten und Volker > A *

F. CfiSeT amf J.' tonneau. Etudes Crises I. Mallia. Premier

F. Chapoutier^nd 2 ]! Chlrbonneaux. Etudes Cretoises, II. Mallia. Eculures

Minoennes. Ibid., 378 f. • f .... 0t r
A. R. Burn. Minoans, Philistines and Greeks. Ibid., 301 l -
T. L. Myres. Who were the Greeks ? CR XLV (i 930 > 128 .

Emil Ludwig. Schliemann of Troy. Antiquity VT( l 9 Z*h 10 '

George E. Mylonas. npoioropixfi ’Envois- CR XLY II ( ! 933 )» x 35 •

H. D. Hansen. Early Civilisation in Thessaly. JHSLlll (1933)7 120 • an

Ernst Meyer (ed.). Briefe von Heinnch Schliemann. JHS L\ II 0937 ), 2 5 2

and Deutsche Litteraturzeitung 1938, 1553 . ltt/) tmt1 : hr ,

V Georgiev. Die Trdger der kretisch-mykenischen Kultur,.und dire
Sprachc. l. Urgriechen und Urillyrer (Thraker-Illyrer). JHS LVIII (1938), 260.

2 3 6 BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950

V y,’ B ,^? en ' Pros y mna . Helladic Settlement preceding the Argive Heraeum.
CR LII (1938), 185 f. and Antiquity XIII (1939), 115 f.

G. A. S. Snijder. Kretische Kunst. Gnomon 15 (1939), 213 f.

Emil Ku nze . Orchomenos III: Die Keramik d. friihen Bronzezeit. Ibid., 316 ff.
G. I homson. Studies in Ancient Greek Society : the Prehistoric Aegean.

Antiquity XXIV (1950), 212 f.

2. Classical.

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r 9 ° 3 - JHS XXIII (1903), 330 ff. ‘ Recent Excavations in Asia Minor.’

1905. BSA XI (1904-5), 81 ff. ‘ Laconia I. Excavations near Angelona.’

(With F. W. Hasluck.)

1906. BSA XII (1905-6), 284 ff. ‘ Laconia II. Excavations at Sparta,

1906.’

para. 2. ‘The City Wall.’

para. 3. ‘ The Heroon.’

para. 8. ‘ The Stamped Tiles.’

para. 11. ‘ The Roman Baths (Arapissa).’

1907. BSA XIII (1907), 5 ff. ‘ Excavations at Sparta, 1907.’

para. 2. ‘ The City Walls.’

para. 3. ‘ The Stamped Tiles.’

para. 8. ‘ The Hellenistic Tombs.’ (With G. Dickins.)

1908. BSA XIV (1907-8), 147 ff. ‘ Excavations at Sparta, 1908.’

para. 7. ‘ A Third-century Marble Head.’
para. 8. ‘ A Hoard of Hellenistic Coins.’

1909. BSA XV (1908-9), 108 ff. ‘ Excavations at Sparta, 1909.’

para. 6. ‘ The Menelaion.’ (With M. S. Thompson and I. P.
Droop.)

1912. BSA XVIII (1911-12), 1 ff. ‘Excavations at Halos.’ (With M. S.
Thompson.)

1929. The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. London.

Ch. IX, Lead Figurines.

In ch. XI, Sculpture.

I 93 °- JHS L (1930), 329 ff. ‘ A Note on the Excavation of the Sanctuary
of Artemis Orthia.’ (With R. M. Dawkins and J. P. Droop.)

1944. Bull of the Faculty of Arts, Farouk I University, Alexandria, II (1944), 1 ff.
Alexandrian Notes.’

BuU. of the Faculty of Arts, Farouk I University, Alexandria, II (1944),

17 ff- ‘ Greek Inscriptions from the Scrapeum.’

237

BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950

1945. JHS LXV (1945), 106 ff. * Recent Ptolemaic Finds in Egypt.’

1949. Bull. Fac. Arts , Farouk I University , Alexandria , V (1949), 151 ff.

4 Excavations on the Government Hospital Site, Alexandria. Pre¬
liminary Report.’

Topography.

1905. BSA XI (1904-5), 112 ff. ‘Laconia II. Historical Note.’ (With

H. J. W. Tillyard.)

1906. BSA XII (1905-6), 151 ff. ‘ Notes from the Sporades: Astypalaea,

Telos, Nisyros, Lcros.’ (With R. M. Dawkins.)

JHS XXVI (1906), 143 ff. ‘The Topography of Pelion and
Magnesia.’

AM XXXI (1906), 129 ff. ‘ Skiathos und Skopelos.’

1908. BSA XIV (1907-8), 161 ff ‘South-Eastern Laconia, Topography.’

(With F. W. Hasluck.)

JHS XXVIII (1908), 337. ‘ Topography of Pelion and Magnesia.
Addenda.’

1909. BSA XV (1908-9), 243 ff ‘ A Cave of the Nymphs on Mount Ossa.’

(With M. S. Thompson.)

BSA XV (1908-9), 158 ff ‘East-Central Laconia. Topography.’
(With F. W. Hasluck.)

1916. BSA XXI (1914-15, 1915-16), 11 ff. ‘ The Site of Olynthus.'

1947. Cyrenaica, Handbook , Part III.

Sculpture.

1903. BSA IX (1902-3), 212 ff ‘ Apollo seated on the Omphalos.’

1904. BSA X (1903-4), 103 ff. ‘ Grotesques and the Evil Eye.’

1905. BSA XI (1904-5), 99 ff ‘Laconia II: Geraki. (ii) Sculpture.’
JHS XXV (1905), 86 ff. ‘ Hellenistic Royal Portraits.’

1906. JHS XXVI (1906), 238 ff. ‘ Some Sculptures at Turin.’

A Catalogue of the Sparta Museum. (With M. N. Tod.) Oxford.

BSR III (1906), 273 ff ‘ Fragments of Roman Historical Reliefs in
the Vatican and Lateran Museums.’

Proc. Brit, and American Arch. Socs. of Rome. ‘ The Evolution of Art in
Roman Portraiture.’

CR XX (1906), 137, 235. Summaries of Papers read before the BSR:
‘ On Historical Reliefs found in Trajan’s Forum.'

‘ On a Historical Relief in the Palazzo Sacchetti.’

‘ On some Late Roman Historical Reliefs.’

238 BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950

1907. BSR IV (1907), 227 ff. ‘ Studies in Roman Historical Reliefs.’

TWCS 1907, 41 ff. ‘ Sculpture and Minor Arts.’

1908. TWCS 1908, 45 ff. ‘ Sculpture and Minor Arts.’

1909. TWCS 1909, 41 ff. ‘ Sculpture and Minor Arts.’

JHS XXIX (1909), 63 ff. ‘ The Base of an Obelisk of Theodosius.’
(With R. Traquair.)

1910. BSR V (1910), 165 ff. ‘ Reliefs in the Palazzo Spada.’

In A Companion to Latin Studies , cd. 2, Cambridge, 1910.

Ch. VII, 2. Sculpture.

TWCS 1910, 31 ff. ‘ Sculpture and Minor Arts.’

1911. TWCS 1911, 39 ff. 4 Sculpture and Minor Arts.’

1912. In A Catalogue of the Ancient Sculpture from the Municipal Collections at

Rome. The Sculptures of the Museo Capitolino. (Ed. H. Stuart
Jones.) The Roman Portraits.

TWCS 1912, 37 ff. 4 Sculpture, Architecture and the Minor Arts.’

1913. In W. S. George, The Church of Saint Eirene at Constantinople (London,

1912). Appendix on ‘The Monument of Porphyrios.’ (With
A. M. Woodward.)

TWCS 1913, 41 ff. 4 Sculpture, Architecture and the Minor Arts.’

1914. TWCS 1914, 27 ff. 4 Sculpture, Architecture and the Minor Arts.’

1934. AJA XXXVIII (1934), 107 ff. 4 The Veil of Despoina.’

1935. An Approach to Greek Sculpture. Cambridge.

1937. AE 1937 (Centenary Volume of the ’ApxcaoAoyiKt) ‘ETcnpcTa, Part I),

217 ff. ‘A Spartan Hero Relief.’

1938. JHS LVIII (1938), 90 ff. 4 The Chatsworth Head.’

A A 1938, 369 ff. 4 Antcnor.’

1946. Bull. Soc. Arch. d’Alexandrie, XI, no. 36 (1943-4), 26 ff. ‘A Grave
Stele from Naucratis.’

Bull. Soc. Arch. d’Alexandrie, XI, no. 36 (1943-4), 83 ff. 4 Alexandria
and Roman Art. An Altar from the Serapeum.’

1948. Bull. Fac. Arts, Farouk I University, Alexandria, IV (1948), 1 ff. 4 The

Sarcophagus of Alexander the Great.’

1949. RA XXXI-II (Melanges Picard II), 1088 ff. 4 Notes on Roman

Sculpture.’

Other Subjects.

1903. J. Internal. d’Arch. Num. VI (1903), 140 ff. 4 An unpublished Per-
gamene Tctradrachm.’

1910. BSA XVI (1909-10), 232 ff. 4 North Greek Festivals and the Worship
of Dionysus.’

BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950 2 39

1911. BSA XVII (1910-11), 193 ff. ‘ A Latin Inscription from Pcrrhaebia.’

(With M. S. Thompson.)

1912. BSA XVIII (1911-12), 166 ff. ‘Inscriptions from Upper Mace¬

donia.’ (With A. M. Woodward.)

1921. JHS XLI (1921), 260 ff. ‘ Archaeology in Greece, 1919-21.’

1929. EB 1 Athens ’ (in part).

‘ Greek Archaeology.’

1930. YWCS 1930, 77 ff. ‘ Greek and Roman Architecture.’

1936. ILN CLXXXIX, 689 ff. ‘Fifty Years of British Archaeology in
Greece. The Jubilee of the British School at Athens.’

1945. EB , new ed. ‘ Athens ’ (in part).

‘ Greek Archaeology.’

1946. Bull, of the Faculty of Arts, Farouk I University, Alexandria , III, 9 ff ‘A

Ptolemaic Inscription from Hermopolis Magna.’

1948. Bull. Soc. Arch. d'AUxandrie XI, no. 37 (1948), 47 ff- ‘ Late Roman

Pottery and Plate.’

1949. Bull. Soc. Arch. d'AUxandrie XI, no. 38 (1949), 21 ff. ‘The Greeks

and Romans as Archaeologists.’

1950. Ann. XXIV-XXVI (1950) {Studi d'Arte in Memoria di Alessandro della

Seta), 109 ff. ‘ Design and Execution.’

Chambers Encyclopaedia , new ed. London, 1950.

‘ Archaeology ’ (in part).

Book Reviews.

F. Stahlin. Das Hellenische Thessalien. CR XXXIX (1925), 137.

P. Gardner. New Chapters in Greek Art. CR XL (1926), 195 f.

E. Norman Gardiner. Olympia, its History and Remains.

CR XLI (1927), 126 f.

E. Douglas van Buren. Greek Fictile Revetments in the Archaic Period.

Ibid., 203 f.

S. Casson. 'Macedonia, Thrace and Illyria. Ibid. 231 f.

E. L. Highbarger. The History and Civilisation of Ancient Megara, 1.

Antiquity II (1928), 240 f.

P. N. Ure. Sixth and Fifth Century Pottery from Rhitsona. Ibid. 241 t.

Aryballoi and Figurines from Rhitsona in Boeotia.

CR XLIX (1935). l82 - . „ , , . .

H Stuart Jones (editor). A Catalogue of the Ancient Sculpture preserved in the
Municipal Collections of Rome. The Sculpture of the Palazzo dei Conservaton.
By Members of the BSR. CR XLI I (1928), 70 ff.

240 BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950

Sir Charles Walston. Alcamenes and the Establishment of the Classical Type.
Ibid.

Greek Sculpture. Ibid.

C. H. Skalet. Ancient Sicyon, with a Prosopographia Sicyonia.

Antiquity III (1929), 384.

CAH Plates, Vol. II. Ibid.

Frank P. Chambers. Cycles of Taste : an Unacknowledged Problem in Ancient
Art and Criticism. CR XLIII (1929), 89.

H. N. Couch. The Treasuries of the Greeks and Romans. JHS L (1930), 154 f.
and CR XLIV (1930), 89.

H. Mobius. Die Ornamente der griechischen Grabstelen klassischer und nach-
klassischer Zeit. JHS L (1930), 154.

David M. Robinson. Excavations at Olynthus , Part II. Architecture and
Sculpture : Houses and other Buildings. CR XLV (1931), 87.

Excavations at Olynthus , Part IV. The Terracottas of Olynthus found in 1928.
CR XLVI (1932), 21.

Excavations at Olynthus , Part V. Mosaics , Vases and Lamps of Olynthus found in
1928 and 1931. CR XLVIII (1934), 22 f.

Excavations at Olynthus , Part VII. The Terracottas of Olynthus found in 1931.
Ibid. 132 f.

David M. Robinson and J. Walter Graham. Excavations at Olynthus. Part
VIII. The Hellenic House. CR LIII (1939), 76.

£cole Frangaise d’Athenes. Exploration archlologique de Dilos , XI.

Antiquity VI, ii3f.

Franklin P. Johnson. Corinth IX. Sculpture 1896-1923. CR XLVI (1932),
64 f.

Rhys Carpenter and Antoine Bon. Corinth III, ii. The Defences of Acrocorinth
and the Lower Town. CR LI (1937), 236.

Pan. Aristophron. Plato's Academy , or the Birth of the Idea of its Rediscovery.

CR XLIX (1935), 40.

H. Thiersch. Artemis Ephesia. Ibid. 230.

H. Lehmann. Argolis I. Landeskunde der Ebenevon Argos und ihrer Randgebiete.
JHS LVIII (1938), 103.

Y. Bequignon. La vallee du Spercheios des origines au IVieme siecle. Ibid. 277 ff.

Recherches archeologiques a Pheres de Thessalie. Ibid. 277 ff.

D. A. Amyx. Corinthian Vases in the Hearst Collection at San Simeon.

Antiquity XX (1946), 53.

H. R. W. Smyth (sic ). The Hearst Hydria : an Attic footnote to Corinthian
History. Ibid. 54 f.

H. Bloesch. Antike Kunst in der Schweiz. CR LXII (1948), 37 f.

BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-' 95 °

241

B. ETHNOLOGY.

1913. BSA XIX (1912-13), 248 ff. ‘Mumming Plays in the Southern
Balkans.’

iq 14 The Nomads of the Balkans : an Account of Life and Customs among the
Vlachs of Northern Pindus. (With M. S. Thompson.) London.
1923. Laographia VII (1923), 186 ff. ‘ A Note on Tripolitza.’

* 9 ° 5 -

1914.

1927-

C. TEXTILES.

Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum. Catalogue of a Collection of Modern
Greek Embroideries. Cambridge. . ,

1906. CR XX (1906), 237. 4 On Greek Patterns in Italian Embroideries.

(Summary of a paper read before the BSR.)

Burlington Fine Arts Club. Catalogue of a Collection of Old Embroideries
of the Greek Islands and Turkey. London.

Burlington MagazmeXXVl (.9.4), 49 ff- 99 * (WithR.M. Dawkms.)

* Greek Embroideries. I. Ethnography.

II. The Towns and Houses of the Archipelago.

The Embroideress XXII (1927). 5 ° 7 - ‘ Some Elizabethan Embroid-

Old furniture II, 112 ff. ‘ An Exhibition of Old English Needlework.’
,928. Archaeologia LXXVIII (.928), 287 ff ‘The Sheldon Tapestry-
weavers and their work.’ (With E. A. B. Barnard.)

Old Furniture III, 125 ff. 4 Antique Needlework in the Collection of

W.J. Holt, Esq.’ „ 1t

III 228 ff. 4 An Exhibition of Early English Needlework.

IV,’ 26 ff. 4 An Exhibition of Early English Needlework.’

IV, 63 ff. * Antique Needlework in the Collection of Frank Ward,

V E 2Q ff. 4 Embroideries of the Abingdon Collection.’

Old Furniture VI, 166 ff. 4 English Decorative Art at Lansdowne

House, I, Elizabethan Embroideries.’ _

VII, 77. 4 English Embroidery in the Collection of Miss Grace
Clark ’

VII, 139. 4 Embroidery in the Collection of Mr. Maxwell Stuart ’

VIII, 114. 4 Turkey-work Cushions.’ (With C. E. C. Tattersall.)
Preface to L. F. Pesel, Practical Canvas Embroidery. London
Invalid Children’s Aid Association. Catalogue, of Loan Exhibition oj

English Decorative Art , 1929-3°- Introduction.

1929.

i 93 °-

2 4 2 BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950

193°. The Collector XI, 175. 1 Embroidered Chair-seats in the Collection of
Mr. Russell Palmer.’

I 93 I - Times Persian Art Number, 5 January, 1931, 8. ‘Persian
Carpets and Textiles.’

Burlington Magazine LVIII (1931), 67 ff., 157. ‘ Some Safavid Silks
at Burlington House.’

Pantheon VII, 211 ff. 1 Persische Stickcreien auf der Ausstellung im
Burlington House.’

Guide to Turkish Woven Fabrics in the Victoria and Albert Museum. New
ed., 1931.

1933. Walpole Soc. Ann. XII (1932-3), 43 ff. ‘English Embroideries

belonging to Sir John Carcw Pole, Bart.’.

Apollo XVII, 207. ‘ Embroidery in the Collection of Sir Frederick
Richmond, Bart.’.

The Antique Collector IV (1933), 598 ff. ‘Rhodian Embroideries—
true and so-called ’.

Needle and Bobbin Club of New York, Bulletin XVII (1933), no. 1, 12.

‘ English Domestic Embroidery, Elizabeth to Anne.’

1934. Burlington Magazine LXIV, 164 ff. ‘ The Dating of Turkish Velvets.’
AJA XXXVIII (1934), 107 ff. * The Veil of Despoina.’

1 935 - Mediterranean and Near Eastern Embroideries from the Collection of Mrs.
F. H. Cook. 2 vols. London.

Catalogue of the Algerian Embroideries in the Victoria and Albert Museum.
Revised ed., 1935.

Burlington Magazine LXVII, 29 f. ‘ The Hunter’s Chase.’

1937. Silk Journal and Rayon World XIII, 154. ‘The Royal Jubilee

' Tapestry.’

Oslo, Kunstindustrimuseet. Arsbek 1935, 1936, 1937, 53. ‘ The Un¬
woven Tapestry of Ramillies.’

1938. Burlington Magazine LXXIII, 68 ff. ‘A Tapestry at Powis Castle.’

(With Muriel Clayton.)

1943. Societe des Amis de l’Art, Cairo. Guide to the Exhibition of Iranian

Carpets , Textiles and Embroideries in the Arab Museum.

1944. Cairo, Societe d’Archeologie Copte. Exposition d’Art Copte. Guide. I.

Egyptian Textiles , Illrd-VIIIth century. Cairo.

1945. ILN CCVII, 276 f. ‘ The Evolution of Coptic Art. Textiles,

Sculpture and the Minor Arts from the Illrd to the VUIth
centuries.’

1946. Introduction, ‘ In kitap hakkindaki yazisinin tercumesi,’ to Tahsin Oz,

Tiirk Kumas ve Kadifeleri. Istanbul, 1946.

BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1903-1950 243

1948. AJA LII (1948), 51 If. ‘ Weaving or Embroidery? ’

1950. Chambers Encyclopaedia , new ed. ‘ Embroidery ’ fin part).

Book Reviews.

L. M. Wilson. Ancient Textiles from Egypt in the University of Michigan Col¬
lection. JRS XXIV (1934), 230 f., and Gnomon io, 663 f.

J. D. Cooney. Coptic Egypt. Antiquity XX (1946), 51 ff.

D. MISCELLANEOUS.

1905. BSA XI (1904-5), 139 ff. 4 Frankish Sculptures at Parori and
Geraki.’’

1913. In Essays and Studies presented to Sir William Ridgeway (Cambridge, 1913).

‘ A Byzantine Inscription at Okhridha.’

1915. Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot. XLIX (Series V, i), 233 ff. ‘ Cave Excavations
in East Fife.’ (With Professor Jehu.)

1918. BSA XXII (1916-17, 1917-18), uoff. ‘ Hastings and Finlay.’

1919. BSA XXIII (1918-19), 118 ff. ‘Saint Gcrasimos and the English

Admiral.’

BSA XXIII (1918-19), 126 ff. ‘ A British Officer on Active Service,
1799.’

Edinburgh Review 1919, 161 ff. ‘The Higher Criticism of Homer.’
1935. In Eis MvnuV 2irvpi8covos A&p-rrpou (Athens, 1935), 232 ff. An
Epitaphios in London.’

1945. BSA XLI (1940-5), 5 ff ‘John Devitt Stringfellow Pendlebury.
Obituary II.’

INDEX

I. GENERAL

’Abd-Qos 225-226.

Acropolis, Athens, bronze warrior 34.

Aegina, amphora fr. 39; Aphrodite temple
prchist. strata 18; jewellery 103, 112; pen¬
dant 114.

Aegisthus amphora, Berlin 40.

‘ agglutination ’ in Cretan palaces 164.
agora of the Gods 132-142; characteristics 1*38;
repres. of deities 135; separation from pro-
Jane 135-136; at Argos 133, Capua 133,
Gyrene 133, Cyzicus 133, Delos 133, 138-142,
Elcusis 134, Gortyna 134, Lesbos 134, Olym¬
pia 134; Pharai 135, Pcrgamon 135, Tanagra
* 35 - 13 ©* Thasos 136, Thera 136-137, Xanthos

* 37 .

agriculture, and astronomy 92 ff
Aigion, spring 65 n.

Akraia, as title of Hera 63.

Alalakh, and Minoan palaces 83.

AJasa Hoyuk, face urns 78, 79.

Albano, ‘ Tomb of Aruns ’ 119.

Alcaeus 134.

Alexander, phiale libation by 68.

Alkimachos Painter, r.f. cup by (?) u.

Aly, Zaki, A ptopos of a Greek Inscription from
Hermopolis Magna 219-231.

Alyattes, ' tomb ’ 118, 119.

Amaxa 98.

Amnissos, lily frescoes 109.

Amyclac, Apollo 35.

Anatolia, building technique in Troy II 160.

Anau, seal from 44.

Andokidcs Painter 156.

Andrewes, A. (and Meritt, B. D.), Athens and
Neapolis 200-206.

Anthcia, and Demeter Potcriophoros 67.

Antimenes Painter 156.

Antiphon Painter, cup in manner of 9; r.f. cup
by 11.

Aphaka (Lebanon), spring of Aphrodite 65 n.
Apollo, of Amyclac 35; statue at Delos 141;

Thyrxeus, divinatory spring 67.
apsidal houses 22.

Arabia (North), names from 226.

Arcturus 89 ff., 94, 100-101; rising 99; and
shepherds 89 n.

Argivc Heraeum, chamber tomb 18.

Argos, agora of the Gods 133.

Aristophanes, and lekanomancy 66.

Arkhadcs, jug from 34.

Arklos 98.

Armenian, textile and pottery workers 181.
arrow heads, in Shaft Graves 128.

Artemis, and bear 96.

Artemis, Brauronia and Munichia 91 n.

Aruns, ‘ Tomb of*, Albano 119.

Asclas, Gaius Julius 224.

Asea (Arcad.), excavations 18.

Ashmole, B., The Poise of the Blacas Head 2-6.

Asine, excavations at 18, 23; chamber tombs
18.

Asklcpios, Blacas head 2ff.; copies of cult
image 5-6.

associations, for religious purposes, in Egypt 227-
229.

astronomy, in agriculture and navigation 92.
Astypalaia, folktales 56.
asymmetry (Minoan), origins 82.

Athena, bronze, in Bvz. miniature 72 ff.;

Enhoplos, Delos 139-140.

Athena Painter, oinochoe 10.

Athens, Acropolis, Myc. remains 16; Agora
excav. 18; N. Slope cxcav. 18; relations with
Neapohs 200 ff.

Atrcus, and Midca 116 n.
atrium 25.

Atticus, Tib. Claudius 194.
audience-chamber, imperial 25 ff.
aaiarium 26.
axiality 30.

Babylonia, lekanomancy 65, 70.

Babylonian libation ritual (Xerxes and Alexander)

ballads, Cyprus 58.

Bandkeramik, and megaron 167.
basilica, discoperta 25; ipetrale 25 ff; of Vitru¬
vius 30.

Bear Great (constellation) 96; as Plough (con¬
stellation) 05; Babylonian name 98.
bear, in Greek myth 96.

Beazlcy, J. D., A Hoplitodromos Cup 7-15.

Bcrbati, excavations 18.

Berbers, community houses 84.

Berlin Painter, amphora 11.
bideos 192-197 passim.

Blacas Head 2 ff.

Black Earth region 20.

Black-figure, Attic 155-156.

Blegen, C. W., Preclassical Greece—A Survey 16-24.
Boeotia, prc-Mycenaean 17.

Boeotian b.f. skyphos 1 r.

Bogazkoy, face urns 78-79.

Bologna Amazonomachy Painter 157.

Bolu, face urns 77.

Bootes 94.
boukolos 94 n.

Boutcs 94 n.

Bowdoin-Eye Painter, cup 10.
boxing, in Sparta 199.

Brak, idols and Thermi face urns 76.

Bronze Age, in Aegina 18; divisions of 20; in
Greece 20-24; stratigraphy 18.

Broussa, textiles 180.

burials, Early Hclladic 21; M.H. 22.

Buschor, E., Spendekanne aus Samos 32-41.

Bybios, Mycenaean pottery from 171.

Byzantine art after 1453 177 ff

INDEX

245

Cabirion class skyphoi 11.

Cacladonius, Alexis 216.

Caesar, Julius 27-28; Forum of 29
Caligula 26, 28.

Calydon, terracotta tiles and metopes 51.
Cappadocia, folktales 58; origin of prismatic
seals 44.

Capua, agora of the Gods 133.

Caria, tomb monuments 118.

Castel d’Asso, circular tomb 118.
catoptromancy 66 n., 67.
cement, in Minoan floors, and Syria 82.
centaur, geom. on gold band 48; with feline
rear 49 n.

Ccrvetri, pelike from 15.

Chalcopratcia 216.

chamber tombs, Argive Hcracum, Asine, Dendra,
Thebes 18.

channelling, on Myc. silver pin 109.

Chapouthier, F., De I'origine du prismt tnangulaire
dans la glyptique minoenne 42-44.

Chigi vase, and free painting 155.

Chimaera gin. _ n 0

Chios, folktales 57; textile centre 178, 180-181.
chisel, bull-nosed 5 n., 13; claw 5 n., 13.

Chiusi, Tomba del Poggio Gaiella 118.

Choniata, Nicetas 72.
chronology, of Early Hclladic 21.

Cilicia, intermediary between Troy and byna-
Mcsopotamia 79-80.
cist-graves, in Cyclades 16-17.
cistern, Perachora 68.

Claudius (Emp.) 28.
column type, Asiatic in Crete 83.
community house, Minoan 84 f.; tombs, Minoan
84.

conceptual approach to representation 153.
Constantinople, MSS. 216-217.
constellations, in Hesiod 92; in Myc. art 93 n-
Cook, J., A Geometric Amphora and Gold Hand

cSS . M., A Note on the Origin of the Triglyph
50 IT.

cordiform, scroll 107.

Corinth, invention of triglyph 52; and Syria,
eastern religion 70.

Corinthian head vases 36.

Corneto, Mausoleo 118. . ... -

courtyard houses, appearance in Middle fcast
and E. Med. 163; expansion in Crete 164.
Crete, and £35198; excavation E. and centre)
18; and Mycenaean citadel palaces ib3; sym¬
bol for 113; symbol-name no.

Cucumclla tomb, Vulci 118, 121.
cult-associations, Egypt 227-229.

Cumae, Corinthian (PC) jugs 33 - ,. . - .

Cyclades, prehistoric 16-17; prehistoric finds
18.

Cyprus^ ballads*58; Myc. pottery groups 170 ff.
Cvrene, agora of the Gods 133- . ...

Cyzicus, agora of the Goa S 133; s'a‘ cr " ,lh
hoplitodromos 10.

Daedauc style 37.

dancers, Geom. on gold band 48.

Dawkins, R. M., Recently Published Collections of
Modem Folktales 53-60. .

Delos, agora of the Gods 133; statues in 138-142 ;
Attic sculpture in 140; Naxian jug with
padded dancers 39.

Delphi, Athenian Treasury 156, 157; cauldron
protomes 37.

Dcmctcr, oracles 67 ; at Patrai 67.

Dcmirtcsi (nr. Broussa), folktales 57.

Dendra, excavations 18; chamber tombs 18.

Dia (Arabia), oracle 65 n.
diabetes 193-1 97 Pfusim.
dialect, Pontic 58. , , , _ , _.

Dimini, Culture 19; citadel 161; and 1 nyns,
citadel palace differences 162-163; excavations
17; megaron, relations 163-164; palace 1626,
165; tholos 16. . c _

divination, by floating and sinking objects t>4 n.;

by water 63 ff.

Dodekanese, folktales 56.

Dog Star 87 ff. passim.

Dokimasia Painter, cup 8 n.
dome, in architecture 25-26.

Domitian 26 ff.; buildings 28-29.

Domus Aurea 25 ff.

Dorpfeld, at Tiiyns 16.
dowels, in marble sculpture 2 It.
drainage, Minoan 82.
draughtsmanship and potter s cralt 151.

Dunbab:in^ 4 T. J., The Oracle of Hera Akraia at
Perachora 61-71.

Egypt, influence on Minoan-Mycenaean civilisa¬
tion 102 IT.; influence on Shaft Graves 102;
numerical signs 104; symbol for water no;
Wu-symbol 106-107; influence on Minoan

ElKsSTlgW* of the Gods 134; Bronze Age in
18; Mycenaean remains 16; Running Girl

Epe^cios Painter (Manner of), cup 10.

Epidauros, statuettes from 5.

Epidauros Limera, pool of Ino 64.

Epidromos Painter (?), cup 9.

Epiktetos 156. „ a

epitaphs, laudatory epithets in 182 ff.

Eretria, Theseus and Antiope sculp. 156.

Erginos 14.

triqqu ( eriqqatu) = wagon 98.
etiquette, oriental 28.

Euboea, prehistoric finds 18.

Euphromos 7, 156.

Euthymides 156, 157.

Eutresis, excavations 18, 20-21.
cvangelistarium 210, 212-213, 215, 21b.

Exekias 156, Dionysus cup 150-

Face-urns (Anatolian) 75.

Farmer's Year, in Hesiod 98-100.

fasligium 26; iusfasUgn 27-28.

figural decoration in textiles (Bvz.) 179 ff-

INDEX

246

figure-style in Mycenaean pottery kj.
firing, effect on Attic glaze 143 ff
flint, for sickle teeth 122. 4
floral decoration, Minoan 116.

Florence, Group 2984, r.f. hydria 9.

& influence 83.

S- l>m rS Ca 56 ,i ^PP^Ociz 58; Chios

ill i? r ° USS f 575 D^anesc

Jo! 56; Karpathos 57; Kerasund

fWi.V % c’i M >' kon “ 57 ; Mytilcnc 56;
-fi" 7 a |?v ; ,K Sk0pC ' 0S 5 f ; Skyros 57 ; Thrace
3 8, Zakynthos 57; modern, as survivals 53 f •
and national character 54; psycholottf of
59-60, survivals of Hellenism 50.
forum, Italic 29; imperial 29; of Pompeii 29.

Garters, Mycenaean 126 ff.

Gamaschenhalter 125 ff.

Genii Ring (Tiryns) 93 n.

Geometric, amphora ‘ from Athens 45; gold
153 dS 47 ff ’’ P0,,Cry Sty,C ’ P° sition in art 152-
Georgian characters, in textiles 180, 181.
oniakchalar, tomb structures r 18.
glaze, red Attic 143 ff
Gnathia ware 159.

gold, geom. band, Attica 46; bands, from Shaft
craves 127-128.

Gonia, excavations 18.

Gortyna, agora of the Gods 134.

Grai Resh, and Lesbos 80.

Greece Bronze Age 20-24; Neolithic 10-20;

prcclassical 16-24. y ’

Greeks, in Upper Egypt 223.

Griffin Fresco, Knossos in ; protomes 24,

Grimm Brothers, folktales 53-54. ^

Hagia Triada, terracottas 35.

Hagios Kosmas (Attica), Bronze Age cemetery 18.

leumno 05 ’ ,0mb monumcnts ,,8 J Mauso-
Hama, and Lesbos 80.
hands, sizes in MSS. 213-214.
harpe, as sickle 122 ff.

Harpy Tomb, Xanthos 137.

Harrow Painter, r.f. column-krater q.
head vases, Corinthian 36.

Hckatompedon (pediment frs.) and red figure .56.
Helladic, chronology 24; Early H. 20-22; Middle
. . 22_2 3 : Middle, divisions 22; Middle,
origins 22; transition from M.H. to L.H. 24-
ttm 1c .^‘ 2 3 : divisions of L.H. 23-24.

Hellenistic influence in Italy 26 ff; style 27.

6?fr k w a (P S r *?°?)«. 6, ffi Limenia <«*)

° f ’ Samos 35! as oracular
goddess 70, of Samos, terracottas 32 ff
ncraion, bamos, votive terracottas 34 ff

rlcrmopolis Magna 219-220.

H«iod, attitude to stars 86; and constellations

2 *! 95 f-i and Orion

94, and Pleiades 94; Scutum 93; and Sirius

89; vmtage date 89.

Hodja Lula (Lulcs) 215.

Homer, attitude to stars 86; star similes 01 f.
hophtodromos 7 ff, 14; statue of 10.
houses, Early Helladic 21; Middle H. 22.
Hyades 94.
hyakinihos 107.

Hysiai, sacred well 64.

Ialvsos, gem from 113.

Imbrasos (Samos) 41.

Ino, pool of, Epidauros Limera 64.

Inscribed jars 18.

Ionian Islands, folktales 57.

Iris flower, symbolism 110.

Iron Age, in Macedonia 19.

Jenkins, R J. H., Further Evidence regarding the
Bronze Athena at Byzantium 72-74.

Kalais 14.

Kallisto, and Artemis (Kalliste) q6-97.

Kalymnos, folktales 56.

Kamiros, head vase 37.

Kampos, tholos 16.

Karpathos, folktales 57.

Kassotis (Delphi) 66 n.

Kerameikos, sphinx 37.

Kerasund, folktales 58.

Kerbslock 104, 109.

Klaros, oracle 63-64, 66.

Klymenos 14.

Knossos, excav. at 17; gem from 113; libation
jug 38; palace 81 ff; palace development
,, 1 b 5; teiracottas 35; late geom. vase 24.
Konooureis 193, 197.

Korakou, excavations 18.

KrFoik& gC ° m - ° bj ' C “ fr ° m 45 *

Kosmokrator, ideas of 28.

Kronos, sickle of 122 ff.

Kulctcpe, as transmitter of face urns 70.

Kuthayah, plates 179.

Kyaneai (Lycia), divinatory spring 67.

Lamps, in Mycenaean tombs 125.
laudatory epithets, local differences 185.

pX C 8',-8 5 . W " ^ f «•

leaf, Iobed, as shield device 13-14.

Leagros Group 156.

da “ ind ^ ^

Lemnos, early settlement 19.

Lcnormant, Charles 2.

,34; conncc tion

with Hama, Gnu Resh 80; see also Thermi.
libation jug 32 ff.

Libyan element in Minoan Crete 8s.
life, Middle Helladic 22.

Lilaia, spring 65 n.
lily decoration, origins 109.

Limenia, parallels to title 62 n.: sanctuary and
western voyages from Corinth 69.

INDEX

Lorimer, H. L., Stars and Constellations in Homer Ncc
and Hesiod 86-1 oI • ir

Lydia, tomb monuments 118. P

Macedonia, excavations 18-19. 1

Macedonians, in Upper Egypt 225. Ner

Maenaura 25. Ncs

Mallia, palace 81 fF., 164-165; prismatic seal Nic
from 43. Nils

Marcus Aurelius, column 26. Nio

Marinatos, Sp., ‘ Numerous Tears of Joyful Life'
from Mycenae 102-116. Oci

matt-painted ware 22, 23. ogi\

Mausoleo, circular tomb, Comcto 118. oike

Mausoleum, of Halicarnassus 119. Oin

megaron 160-167 passim ; in Aegean area 166-167; Oly
megaron and 4 courtyard * house 165; origins 166. d

Melos, head from 2 ff. sc

Menelaion (Sparta), goddess 37. On<

Mcnidi, tholos tomb 16. orac

mcnology 212-213,215,216. Ore

Mcritt, B. D. (and A. Andrcwes), Athens and Orii
Necpolis 200-206. Orii

Mesopotamia, and Cretan wall diversification 81; 2;

ana Minoan drainage 82. oric

Messara, triangular seal from 44. _ Ori(

Messcnia, excavations 18. A

metals, in Early Hclladic period 21; in Middle Oro
H. 22. orth

Midea, Atrcus and Thyestcs 116; gold ring from Orv
113. Osti

Minns, E. H., Big Greek Minuscule, Pembroke Osti
College, Cambridge MS. 310 210-218. oura

Minoan, Early, builder’s technique 82; building E

asymmetry 82; wall diversification 81; drain- over
age 82; vase painting, place in art 151.

Minyan, Grey 22. ... Pah

mirror, use in water divination 67. I'

Missorium, of Theodosius 25. _ pala

monumental painting, and vase painting in fifth Pali
century b.c. 157. Pan

Mopsos, and phiale libation 68, 69. Pan

morals, Greek attitude to 183 ff. pap

Mycenae, chamber tombs 16, 17; chronology Pari
17; tomb of Clytemncstra 16; fortifications Par<

17; gems 113; Grave Circle 16, 17; Lion Pair
Gate 16, 17,23; palace and houses 16; dating pedi
of palace 17; Shaft Graves 16; Schliemann Peis

at 16; tholoi 16, 17; Mycenae and Wain Pen

constellation 97. Pe«

Neolithic Age, in Greece 19-20; in Thessaly 17;
in Central and Southern Greece 19; First
Period 19; Second Period 19; in Attica 18;
in Bocotia 18; in Peioponnese 18; in Phocis
18; at Scsklo 17; urfirnis 19.

Nero 26 ff.; statue as Sun God 28.

Nessos Amphora, New York 40.

Nicomedia, palace 29.

Nilsson, M. P., The Sickle of Kronas 122-124.
Niobid Painter 157.

in art 151; derivative ware 173.

Mykonos, folktales 57. _ .

Myrcs, J. L., The Tomb of Porsena at Clusium 117-
221.

Mytilene, folktales 56.

Nauplia, chamber tombs 16.
navigation and astronomy 92.

Naxian jug, from Delos 39.

Nea Moni, Chios, textiles 178.

Neapolis (Thrace), and Athens 200 ff.

Ochre, red, in vase decoration 146.
ogival canopy 106.
oikotype, in folktale 54 f.

Oinomaos, and phiale libation 68.

Olympia, agora of the Gods (Altis) 134; shield
devices from 14; cauldron protomes 37;
sculptures 157.

Onesimos, r.f. cup by to.
oracle, of Hera Akraia 61 ff.

Orchomenos, Bronze Age strata 17; tholos tomb 16.
Orient, Latin influences on 29.

Oriental, Goddess 102; influences in architecture
25 ff.; influence on laudatory epithets 185.
orientalising vase painting, position 154.

Orion 89; and Bocotia 94; comparison with
Achilles 87 f.; rising 100.

Oropos, Amphiarcion spring 65 n.
orthostates 82.

Orvinium, tomb monument 118.

Ostia, Metrfion 134.

Ostromir Gospels 211,217.
ouroi, of West Asia Minor tombs 118-119; o
Etruscan tombs 119.
oversail, of warp in Byz. textiles 178.

18-119;

Painting, early classical 157; free development
154-155 ; paintings, triumphal 27.
palace, origins of Minoan form 81 ff.

Palici, oracle of 64.

Panainos 158.

Pan Painter 157; r.f. skyphos by (?) 13.

S pyros flower, as symbol 109.

ris Gigantomachy Painter, cup by 11.

Paros, griffin jug 24.

Patrai, oracle of Demeter 67.
pedestal tombs 117 ff.

Peisistratus and Delos 138 ff
Penthesileia Painter 157; r.f. cup 11.

Perachora, Attic frs. from 149; possible sailors’
divinatory ceremony 6 q ; Hcraion 61 ff.; ivory
sphinx 36; terracotta head 36.

Pergamon, agora of the Gods 135.

Perizoma Group 9.

Persson, .Axel W., Garters—Quiver Ornaments ? 125-

l V‘

Pertinax, funeral 30.

Phaistos, palace 81 ff; palace development 164-
165.

Pharai (Achaca), agora of the Gods 135.
Pheidippos 9; bilingual cup by 11.
phialai, bronze 61 ff; in divination 61 ff;
divination by throwing into water 68; Eastern
origins 71; and lekanomancy 65.

INDEX

Phocis, pre-Myccnacan 17.

Phyla kopi 17.

Picard, Ch., Les ‘ Agoras de Dieux : en Greet 132-142.
pilgrims, temporary vise of pottery 40.

S in, gold and silver (Shaft Grave III) 102 ff.
indar, and Pleiades 04.

Pistoxcnos Painter 158; r.f. cup related to 11.
pitcher bearers, on gold band and gcom. kantharos
49 -.

plastic heads 33 IT.

Pleiades 89; in Hesiod 94; rising and setting
in Hesiod 99; in Pindar 94.

Plough (constellation) as a cart 96.

Polygnotos, painting of 157.

Pompeii 26.

Pontic, dialect and folktales 58.
pool (oracular) at Pcrachora 61 ff.

Porsena, tomb 117 ff.
porticoes, in fora 31.

potter’s craft, and draughtsmanship 151; marks
on Cypriote pottery (Myc.) 170 n., 171, 174.

S ttcry, Early Hellaciic 21; Middle H. 22.
iest King relief x 11.

prism, Minoan hexagonal 42 ;. seal 42 ff.
prismatic seal, Anatolian origin 44.

Promachos (?) Athena, in Byz. miniature 72 ff.
protogeornetric pottery, position in art 152;

relation to sub-Mycenaean 152.
protomc, animal 34; cauldron- from Acropolis

2 6; cauldron- from Delphi 37; cauldron-
rom Olympia 37.

Proto-Panaitian r.f. cup to, tx.

Psiax 156.

Psychro, gem from 113, 114.

pueblos, Indian, and Cretan palaces 84.

punch, used in marble sculpture 5 n., 13.

Putna, Roumania, textiles from 179.

Pylos (Messcnia), tholos tombs 18.

Quivers, Egyptian 129-30; Mycenaean 130-131;
Semitic 130; origins of Greek 130; Myc.
ornaments on 125 ff.

Qps (Edomitic), compounded in Aramaean names
225-226; Graeco-Semitic compounds with 230.
Quais 226.

Race, in armour 7 ff. passim.
rainwater, oracle 68.

Ras Shamra, and Crete 82.
reaping, ancient methods 123.
reception hall, imperial 25 ff; plan 29.
red-figure style, comparison with b.l. 156; and
free painting 157.

Richter, G. M. A., Accidental and Intentional Red
Glaze on Athenian Vases 143-150.

Robertson, Martin, The Place of Vase Painting in
Greek Art 151-159.
ruling, in MSS. 211.

Sacral Iw 106.

Samos, early pottery 32 ff; Hekatompcdon II
37; Heraion topography 40; Heraion, votive
terracottas 34.

San Giorgio, Venice, textile 178.

sanitation, Asiatic precedent for Minoan 83.

Santa Maria Antiqua (Tempi um Divi August!)
29 -

Sant’ Ambrogio 25.

Sant’ Apollinarc Nuovo, mosaic 25.
Sarpcdoneion, Xanthos 138.

Sat-hathor-iunut, d. of Senusert II 104.
satyr, plastic vases 38.
sauce-boats 21.

Schlicmann, at Orchomcnos 16; at Tityns t6; at
Troy 16.

Schweitzer, Bernhard, Megaton r aid Hofhaus in
der Agdis des 3-2 Jahrtausends v. Chr. 160-167.
Scutari, textile centre 180-181.
seal, Anatolian 42; Cappadocian 43; North
Syrian 43; seal-carving, relations of Crete and
Asia Minor 42. •

Senusert II, pectoral 104 f.

Septiinius Severus, arch 27.

Sesklo, excavations 17 ; culture 19.

Shaft Graves, Egyptian influence 102; quiver
ornaments in 125 ff; significance of gold
bands from 127-128.

Shield, of Achilles 92-93; devices 13-14.
sickle, flint-toothed 122-123; toothed, of bronze
. ,2 3 .

Siphnian frieze, and r.f. vase painting 156.

Sirius, rising 88, 89, 90, 100; name excluded
from Homer 94.
skolymos 100.

Skopelos, folktales 56.

Skyros, folktales 57.

Sotadcs Painter 158.

Spalato, palace of Diocletian 25.

Sparta, goddess from 37.

S ta, cnamber tombs 16.

tireis, ball players or boxers? 197-199.
spirals, Minoan-Myccnaean 106.
stacking, of pots in kiln, effects 145.
star, similes in Homer 91 f.; stars, in Hesiod
and Homer 86; names in Hesiod, origins 95 f.
start, in foot race 12.

Stathatou Collection, gcom. amphora and gold
band 45.

stratigraphy, Minoan at Knossos, 17, at Phylakopi

Stubbing?, F. H., Some Mycenaean Artists 168-176.
stucco, joins in marble 4 ff, 5 n.
symbol, ‘Land of Crete’ 113; papyrus flower
109; Egyptian s. for ‘water’ at Amnissos
110; Egyptian, for periods of time 104-105.
symbolism, in Minoan-Mycenaean art 115.
symmetry in vase painting 8.
syncretism 27.

Syracuse, divination at, by sailors 69.

Syria, and Crete (palaces) 81 ff. passim ; religious
influence on Corinth 70.

Tablinum 30.

tadpole symbol (Egypt) 104.

Tainaron, divinatory well 07, 69.

Talbot Rice, D., Post-Byzantine' Figured Silks 177-

i8r.

Tanagra, agora of the Gods 135-136.

INDEX

249

Tekekby (nr. Samsun), face urn from 77-78;

Trojan influence 79.

Tell Agrab, seal with eyes 77.

Tcll-cl-Amarna 82.

temple models 50; painted decoration 50 n.
tenements 26.
terracotta figurines 21.
textiles, Byzantine after 1453 177 IT.

Thasos, agora of the Gods 136.

Thebes, Myc. palace 18; chamber tombs 18;
inscribed jars 18.

Themis, and lckanomancy 66; with phialc
(divination?) 65.

Thcoderic, Palatium of 25.

Thera, agora of the Gods 136-137.

Thcrmi, Lesbos, Bronze Age settlement 19;
winged vessels from 75.

Thermon, terracotta tiles and metopes 51, 155.
Theseus, Acropolis torso and r.f. vase painting 156.
Thessaly, excavations 20; Neolithic Age 17, 19;

connections 20.

Thoas, King 14.

tholos tombs, Berbati, Dendra, Messenian Pylos
18; Thorikos 16.

Thrace, folktales 58.

Thycstcs, Atrcus, and Midea 116 n.
tiles, roofing, and triglyphs 51.
timber triglyphs 51.

Tiryns, citadel 161 -162; ‘ courtyard ’ organisation
165-166; and Cretan palace 165; excavations
17; Gorgon head 36; palace 16.

Tod, M. N., Laudatory Epithets in Greek Epitaphs
182-190.

‘ Tomb of Alyattes ’ 118, 119.

‘ Tomba del Gucrriero shield with bells 191.
Tomba del Poggio Gaiella, Chiusi 118.
town-planning 26.

Trajan 26; Column 26.
tribunalium 25.
triclinium 25 It.

triglyph, origins 50 fT.; invention at Corinth
52; date of introduction 51.

Triptolemos, and phialc libation 68.

Triptolemos Painter, cup 7 IT., 14; additional
works 15.

Troilos (?), on Attic geom. vase 46.

Troy VI 22; face urns 74 fT., 77; as centre of
face urn distribution 79; connections with
Cilicia 79; megara 160 n.; recent excavations
19; Schliemann at 16; trade with Greece 98.

tulips, on textiles and pottery 178.
tumuli, Etruscan 117.

Tyana, spring of Zeus Horkios 65 n.

Unknown Gods, at Pergamon 135.

Urfimis , neolithic 19.

Vaphio, tholos tomb 16.

vase painting, dominant in Geom. Period 153;
in early Greek art 152; early r.f. 156; separa¬
tion from free painting 158.

Vasiliki, Crete, community house 84; Early
Minoan houses 163.

Vespasian, and Nero’s colossus 28.

Vctulonia, circular tombs it 8.

virtues, personal, among the Greeks 183 fT.

Vitruvius 26 fT.

volute (double), Minoan-Mycenaean 106.
Volulengebilde 102.

Vrokastro, terracottas 35.

Vrykolakas 55.

Vulci, skyphos from 15.

Wagon, origins of Greek 97; Semitic name in
Crete 98.

Wain, Arthur's, Charles' 96; Wain (constella¬
tion) and Mycenae 97.
wall painting, and Sotadcs Painter 158.
water, use in divination 63 ff., 67; symbol at
Amnissos 110.

‘ Waz ’-lily 110-111; -symbol 106-107.
well oracle 67.

West Slope Ware 159.

white-ground vase technique, position and im¬
portance 158.

wooden columns (Minoan), and Syria 82.
Woodward, A. M., Some Notes on the Spartan

Z4>aif*Is 191-199-

Xanthos, agora of the Gods 137; Harpy Tomb
137; Stele 137-
Xerxcs, and golden phiale 68.

Year, Farmer’s 89.

Zakro, seals 113, 114.

Zakynthos, folktales 57.

Zetes 14.

Zeus and Hera, statues at Delos 141.

Zygouries 23; excavations 18; Potter 169, 175.

II. INDEX OF CLASSICAL AUTHORS

Achilles Tatius VIII 12, 8, 65 n.

Aelian NH XI 16, 70.

Aeschylus Agam. 232, 91 n.; 239, 91 n.; Suppl.
180, 133; 205, 136; 218, 136; 508, 136; 713,
133; 955. >33; 975-976. 136; Helxades fr.
Nauck’ 69, 91.

Alcaeus fr. 155 (Bcrgk*) 93 n.

Apollodorus II 4, 6, it6.

Appian SC II 15, 102, 29.

Apulcius Apologia 42, 66 n.

Aratus Phain. 91-93, 95; 581-589. 94 i 608-609,

a ; 721-723, 94

ilochus fr. 65 (Diehl 1 ) 184.

Aristides (Dind.) I p. 27, 134; Ip. 387, 133.
Aristophanes Acham. 1128 fT, 66; Axes 1109, 27;

Schol. ad Arist. Lysistr. 645, 91 n.

Aristotle Poet. 1457 b 20, 66 n.; Rhel. 1412 b 35,
66 n.

ps.-Aristotle de mir. ausc. 57, 65 n.

Arrian Anab., I 11, 6, 68; VI 19, 5, 68.

250

INDEX

Athcnaeus XI 46od, 67 n.; XV 680, 132.

K Callisthenes Vit. Alex. 1, 1, 69.

sius Dio LX 6, 8, 28; LXIII6,2,28; LXXIV
4* 4* 3°-

Cicero de Oral. Ill 180, 27 n.; Phil. II 43, no,
27-28.

Columella II 20, 3, 123.

Diod. XI 89, 65 n.

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. I 14, 118.

Euripides Medea 1378 ft., 63; Rhesus 290-307,
119.

Eustathius ad 0 372, 198.

Eustratius phil. VIII 7, 2, 65 n.; XI 17, 5, 56 n.
Florus II 13, 19, 27 n.

Herodotus I 24, 69; I 30!., 187; I 93, 118; V
ti 8 01 n.: VlT o 6ft

, 124; Up.b 1

S ; Scut. Her. 156-159,
ng. 175, 122; Theog.

14.99; op. l _

93; Theog. 162, 124;
« v '8o, '22.

Hippocrates 3.68 (Littre) 88 n.

Homer Iliad: £5,89; E 5-6, 91; K 26-32, 87!.;
K 36 ?l 122; K 53'-533. 100; A 62, 92; A 173,
go ; N 198,122 ; O 324,90; n 384-385. 89, 90 ;
Z 486,94; 1486-489, 93; I 551, 122; Y 142,
132 n.; X 27 IT., 88; X 27, 89; X 28, 90;
£ 99,94; * 3'7-3'8, 88; X 317, 90; T 226,
88 n., 92; Odyssey: 6 841, 91; £ 272 ff., 92; f
272, ‘

v
h.

11; h. Merc. 332, 132; Schol. A ad E 5, 89;
Schol. A ad X 31,90; Schol. B ad E 5, 89; Schol.
BT ad X 26, 88 n.; Schol. T ad E 5, 89;
Schol. T ad Y 226, 88 n.

Iamblichus de myst. Ill 11, 66 n.

n., 92; uayssey: o 041, 91 ; £ 272 n., 92; £

'72.94; £ 273-275.93; 3 '3'.88; X 192-194,88;
' 94, 88 n.; tt 376, 132; h. Apoll. 187, 132;
t. Dem. 92, 132 n.; h. Mar /. 7, ^3 n.; h.Merc. 7,

9; Hermot. 801, 66;
iss. aim Hes. 246, 66;

Ibycus fr. 3 (Bcrgk 4 ) 93.

{ uvcnal III 63, 26.

.ivy XXXII 23, 63 n.

Lucian Anaeharsis 38,

S . Trag. 675, 66;

I 26, 67.

Lvcophron Alex. 268, 94.

Martial X 72, 26; XII 57, 21, 25 n.

Pausamas I 34, 4, 65 n.; II 18, 116: III 14,
8-to, 197 ff; III 23, 9, 65 n.; III 25, 8, 67 n.,
69 n.; V 10, 4, 66 n.; VII 21, 12, 67 n.; VII
22,4, 135; VII 24, 3,65 n.; 1X22,135; X8,
10, 65 n.; X 24, 7, 66 n.

Philostratus Vit. Apoll. I 6, 65.

Pindar 01 . IV 30-41, 14; Pyth. IV 193, 69 n.;
/•'em. II 17, 94.

Pliny XXXIV' 45 , 28; XXXVI 13, u 7 ff.

Plato Leg. VIII 830b, 198.

Plutarch Solon 21, 184 n.; de def. orac. 435c, 68.
Polcmon ap. Athcn. Xl 462b, 69.

Pollux III 150, 198; IX 104, 199; IX 197,
>99-

S ertius IV 8, 3 fT., 70.

js de daem. 6, 67 n.

Sophocles 0 . T. 1137,89, 101.

Steph. Byz. s.d. ncxXiKt'i, 65 n.

Strabo 380, 61; 404,94; 762, 66 n.

Stobacus Eel. II 108, 186 n.

Suetonius Calig. 22, 28; D: 7 ul. 78, 27, 28; Nero
31,28; Vesp. 18, 28.

Thucydides III 55, 3, 204 n.

Varro de re rust. I 50, 123; de re rust. Ill 5, 17, 25;

ap. August, de Civ. Dei VII 35, 66 n.

Vitruvius II 8, 17, 26.

Xenophon Resp. Lac. IV 6, 198.

Zenobius IV 10, 134 n.

Zosimus I 58, 65.

III. INDEX OF GREEK WORDS

/•ole.— For numerous common adjectives see also pp. 185 and 188-189 above.

&ya06s 185-186.
dyopd (6tc5v) 132-142.
dxpoKviqxxios 99.
&An6dpyr)-ros 189.
fiAviTOS 185, 186-187.
fimpTrro? 165.
dpOTi'ip 94
dovyxpnos 184.

Xfxdvq 70.

prroTrcopiv6v 89.
PFrbTTopov 88.
pn y oX6yiov 213.

(vjkt6 $) dpoXycp 90-91.

PocotcIv 94, 99.
PocbTTlS 94.

<TTfKptOl5, 224.

95-

6fpo? 88.

Kapxapo8ous 122.
Kcrra0upios 185.
kpokcot6s 91 n.

6pnyupts 132 n.

brnopti 88 ft. 6ircopiv6s 88.

Trdvpouoos 188.
-rrapdSo^os 184.
TTaol9iXos 188.
rnpiKom^ 212.
■rroTTipio^dpo? 67.
Trpoa9tXT|s 184, 187.
■rrvprrb? 90.

INDEX

251

oripia 93 n.

awa^&piov 212.

mpaipa i 97 -» 99 -

a^patpiOs I9I-I99- . , 0

cr^aipopaxia (o?aipopOxta) 198-199.

ToypoTiKO( 222-231 passim.

-rdpta 93.

Tpiipa 212.

fopdTpn 129.
pQivdrTwpov 88.
piccXri 70.
piaXopav-rtia 65.

Xpn<rr6? 185-186.
Xpna-toauvn 186.

IV. MUSEUM AND LIBRARY INDEX

1. Museums

AOQD 3 ) 8 uii/iiui» jj 1 - ,

Alexandria, Farouk I Univ., Faculty of Arts Mus.,
inscription Inv. no. 1304, 219 ft.

Athens, Acropolis 6614, bronze statuette 10.

Agora P1265, 148; P2698, 146, 148; Pi473»
2772, 7267, 769®. 88 29. 9037, *48; P, 9359>
148, 149; P ,I0 49> 15952, 16001, 16488,

16753, 18505, I9i54> 148; Pi9574, >5: aU

Attic vase fragments.

Benaki Mus. 828, 179; 832, * 79 ! 836, * 79 ;

8d2.179; 852, 178: textiles.

Epigraphical Mus. Inv. 6589, 6598, 200 ff.
National Museum, Dog and Cat base 9,
marble base 9. „ . _

Berlin 2307, r.f. cup 10 ; 2538, r.f. cup 65 ; inv.
3179, Boeotian b.f. skyphos 11, Cl 309,

ecom. gold band 47. „ 0 ._

Boston 13.4503, stemless cup 148; 28.48, r.f. cup
11: 30.791, stemless cup 148.

Bryn Mawr, fr. of r.f. cup (Triptolemos P.) 15-
Copenhagen NM 74', 8 com - 8 old band 47 '*
Thorwaldscn Mus. 92, r.f. cup 10.

Ferrara T 475, r.f. column-krater 9.

Florence, Arch. Mus. kylix (Kachryl.on) 149.

Freiburg 45, r.f. cup frs. (Triptolemos P.) 15,
fr. of r.f. cup 10. „ n ..

Heidelberg 15, r.f. cup frs. 9; S 157, Boeotian
skvphos fr. 11. c

Kansas City, amphora (Sylcus P.) 66 n.

Kassel, Minoan gem 113, i« 4 - _ -

Leipsic T 501, bilingual cup 11; T 507, r.f. cup 9 -
Leyden i8a4, r.f. cup 11; xvin. a. 11, r.f. cup 12.
London, British Museum A1008, 169; A1546,
173: Myc. pottery; B628, b.f. w.g. oinochoe
10; C389, 174; C402,1 170; C 4 ° 9 > * 73 ,

C411, ? 7 r; ciT 7 , . 72 ; C4>8 ; 4«9.f0 W

'it iTO D 5 l, 3 cup 73 ,boSL;

E818, r.f cup 8 n., 13; F166, Italiote kratcr
66 n.; 1694, marble statuette ; 97.10-28.2,
64.10-7.1604, 64.ro-7.327, 91.8-6.78, 190..7-

11.3, Attic vase frs. 149; 94.7-18.3, plastic
vase 38-39.

Soane Museum, Apulian krater 68 n.

Victoria and Albert Mus. 885-1899, textile 179.
Milan, Scala, r.f. hvdria 9.

Montreal, F. M. Watkins Coll., r.f. cup 10, 11.
Munich 2044, b.f. cup (Exekias) 146, 148; 2620
cup (Euphronios) 146,148; 2623, r.f. cup 10.
Naples 3231, Apulian peleke 66 n.

New York, Metr.Mus. 41.162.8, bilingual cup 11;
74.51.1384 (CP 2028), stemless cup 148;
74-51- 1 385 (CP 2029), stemless cup .48;
23.43 covered bowl (Attic) 144; OR 607,
Attic neck amphora 145; X.21.30, stemlcss
cup 148.

Odessa, cup by Psiax 150 n.

Olympia, bronze statuette 9.

Oxford, Ashmolean Mus., r.f. cup 7 f- i r - f - CU P
(ex W. Cook Coll.) 7 ff., 13. _

Oxford, Miss. (D. M. Robinson Coll.), r.f. cup

11.

Paris. Cab. Med. 523, r.f. cup 10.

Louvre AM 675, Myc. kratcr 174; AM 6 79 ,
Myc. krater 172; G 214, r.f. amphora n ;
F129, cup (Skythes) 146, 148; frs. of r.f.
cups (Triptolemos P.) 15. .

Providence, Rhode Island, School of Design,
Byz. textile 181.

Rome, Villa Giulia 48339, pelike (Triptolemos

Rotherfieici, I-ord Nathan Coll. r.f. glaux type
skyphos (Triptolemos P.) 15- . _

Samos, from Heraion, T 36, 35, 36; T 62, 35 If.;
T 230,35, 36, 37; T 322, 36, 37 *. T 341,35;
T 301 , 37 ; ^ 387, 37 ; T 393 , 37 ! T 395 - 3 b;
T 396. 36; T 403 , 35 - 3 &. 37 ! T 7 * 5 . 36 .
t 723.37; t 738, 35; r 748.J7; t 780,35 :
T 862, 35; T 906, 36, 37 ; T 1074, 36 , 37 ,
T 1147, 36; T 1243.35; T 1244,35-

San Simeon, r.f. skyphos 13.

Toronto RHI 630, amphora 46.

Tubingen, bronze statuette 10.

Vienna 2151, r.f. cup 9. . _ ...

Wurzburg 328, b.f. stamnos 9; 469, r.t. cup 10,
cup by Brygos P. 8 n.

252

INDEX

2. Libraries, MSS.

Athos, Dionysiou 740, 218.

Berlin 287, 214.

Cambridge, McLean 1, 210, ail, 213.
Cambridge, C.U.L. Dd. viii 23, 213, 216.
Florence, Laur. 244, 215, 216, 217.

Jerusalem, Holy Cross 43, 214.

London, British Museum, Harl. 5598, 210, 211;
Add. 39602, 210.

Moscow, Hist. Mus., Usp. 1163, 218.

Oxford, Bodleian, MS Rawl. Auct. G.2, 214.

V. EPIGRAPHICAL INDEX

1. Inscriptions

Note .—Sec also above pp. 182-190 M. N. Tod, 4 Laudatory Epithets in Greek Epitaphs and pp.
191-199, A. M. Woodward, 4 Some Notes on the Spartan Zfcnptls ’, passim. Here only inscriptions
which are the subject of comment arc listed.

/G Vi, 98, 193; 674, 193; 675, 193-194; 676, 194; 677, 195; 678* 195; 679, 195; 680, 195;

681, 195; 682, 196; 683, 196; 684, 196; 685, 196; 686, 197.

V 2,49'. 185.

XII 3, 452, 136.

XII 8, 374, 136 n.; 569, 187; Suppl. 435, 136.

XIV 929, 188; 1365, 1518, 1543, 1714, 186.

IG I* 108, 200 fT.; 1032, 1057, 1058, 1059, '84.

II* 59 ' 3 > ,8 45 6, 53 > ,8 4 ; 10510,187; 11375,186.

SEG I 574, 185; II 521, 185 ; X 124, 200 TAM I 1, 44, 6, 137 n.
411, 185; JHS LXVII hi, 184 m

II 443, 185 n.; Sammtlbuch

'ApSbwos ('AiroAXcovlou) 223, 225-227.

'AyaSoKArfc (KAKxpdvrou) 194.

'AXvttos 187.

’Avoualcov (Maov»A[Aovl) 222.
'AtroXAdSfcopos or -otosJ 222.
'AiroXXo^dv^ (Mtwiou) 222.
'AttoXXcovios 222.

’Apycnos (Miwtou) 222, 225.
['Api]«rr 65 a[pod 192-193.
['AptcnjopivTts (’EtiiktVitou) 193.

A]iOKA[ift] 212.

’EndyoSo^ (EcoKpdrrous) 194.

‘Eutpaxos (’AiroXXw[vlouj) 222.
'EppdXaos (’AttoAAcovIou) 222, 224, 225.

etdCsvo? I, II, III 194.

KaXAiKpcrny 222.

KaXXiKpdnis 'P0O90U 195.

Kcxvlvios (EOnopos?) 195.

2. Proper Names

Ko3£ 226.

Kouoei 226.

AOarmros Aaucm£rov 195.

MdouXXos MaovXXou 222.
MevekAtis 193.

Mvdocov 193.

[NtiKojxp&rrft 192.

NiK&wop (’AttoXAcovIou) 222, 225.
Novpi^vios 222.

TJpcbTopx 0 ? (M^voSwpou) 222.
nToXtpaios (Ap[- - -) 222.

Icbav5pos [Tpucptovos] 193.

Qavias 193.

Odcov (Noopr|[v]I«jy 222, 224.

<DiX{po* I, II 194.
dhAoxAdSas 193.

Piintxd IX Grbat Britain by Richabd Clay and Company, Ltd.,
Bungay, Suttolk.

B.S.A. XLVI.

Plate i

B.S.A. XLVI

Plate 2

(0 ‘NECK-PIECE’, FRONT VIEW.

,i\ THK HI.ACAS HI'.AD. NEW POISE

«*• THK HI.ACL\S HI.AD. NKW POISF.
•I-ROM A a\ST>.

STATUETTE OF ASKI.KIMOS AND TKI.KS-
PHOROS i.BRITISH MUSEUM NO.

B.S.A. XLYI.

Plate 4.

(«•-(*» SKVPHOS IN' THE COLLECTION OF MR. W. R. HEARST, SAN SIMEON.
(0 SKVPHOS IN THE COLLECTION OF LORI) NATHAN OF CHURT.

B.S.A. XLVI.

Pi-ATE 7.

Plate 8.

SPEN DEKANNE AUS SAMOS.

B.S.A. XLVI

Pi.ATi-: <)

TONIICil’R SAMOS (A) TONFKil'R SAMOS TOM'KlUU SAMOS T 4 «,;.

sauw;i:i\\ss kklanoex. « tonficji k samos 'nil>a. » sau»c;kfass eri.anokn.

B.S.A. XLVI.

Plate ii.

' ' 7 •'* ,u Ji.M’ , , /V ; r ,

C'T''' ^if-V t'^v-irivUv.-^SArrtr'

": r 7 T "' rt ": *»» ti j«v* «t* V v,-*fc--

°f K«*C'»^M» < 4r.^ 7 ^« Wlp(u

1 A )« <wro» .pirrtf g Ato avrf -K. ..„ •'

/•'“f" Fii^nlini, I cn iVr.

THE POWER OK EROS: MINIATURE FROM A X CENTURY BYZANTINE MS.

B.S.A. XLYI.

Plate 12.

ANTHROPOMORPHIC. JAR I'ROM BOLU. AT ANKARA.

B.S.A. XLVI.

Plate 14.

B.S.A. XLVI.

Plate 15

k ' ux ,N mi: ODKSSA mlskim. ki-d.i icji rkd kvi.ix in mi

LOLA Rfc. U I KAGMI.M OF \ KVI.IX IN THE AGORA MUSEUM. ALL WITH IN I LN I IO.NAI

RKD GLAZE.

somi. mvc:i;n.\i:.\\

AR'l IMS.

,/ 1 U« )\l

Kl.W III \

i: \i .

./■ 1 ROM KI.W IHA

H.M.C; .

. I RON! I.\K»>MI II.M.C

,i 1 K«»M

kl.W HI \

ll.M.C .i j .

. 1 ROM Kl.W 1)1 \

lt.M.C{ji .

B.S.A. XLVI

Plate 20 .

HVZAMINE FIGURED SILK. XVII CENTURY (IN SAN GIORGIO DEI GRECI. VKNICI

S£M

BYZANTINF. I K.I KKI) SILKS.

'X* m m

B.S.A. XLVI.

Plate 23 .

B.S.A. XLVI.

Plate 24.

ocuic°p\plr
-O^opei-Lot.

oujjJiTrtpt
"CI3 CLPTHCTH
dvTHcrfcp

s>- ‘ , y'

TlauaflJE

•••v * * i**

yfK*TDKd-Ufln-
J * truj&p 6 KC^
\ r^TOtcr ecxu
nro u pcii

r.' * 4 >Vj*Y!

Pemb-C6ll.CB.Tnb.M5.310. ^

* ~ «.

itu; creek mi.m'scu.k. i»i:miikoki: coi.i.e<;e. u\mhriik;e ms.

Mxk, (J.| i: Full |MK«- l‘J. Of'/o>iu- iJji: Columns. initial an.l margins (;

CATALOGUED.

GOVT. OF INDIA

8.B, 14B.M. DELHI.

central archaeological libr*

^ NEW DELHI

Catalogue No. <,,, ,

cc 5/a.b.s.a..

Author--ri t i., :i school ^ ^

Title—'-aciii 3 . t ,- e

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